THE  SECRET  QF  AN   EMPIRE 


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THE  LIBRARY 

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THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 

SANTA  BARBARA 

COLLEGE 

PRESENTED  BY 

Mrs.   H.   C.   Chatfield-Taylor 


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THE  SECRET  OF  AN  EMPIRE. 


THE 

EMPEROR  NAPOLEON  III. 


BY 

PIERRE  DE  LANO. 


TRANSLATED 

FROM  THE  FRENCH 

BY  HELEN  HUNT  JOHNSON. 


NEW  YORK: 

DODD,  MEAD  &  COMPANY. 

1895. 


Copyright,  1895, 
By  Dodd,  Mead  &  Company. 


TYPOGRAPHY    BY   C.    J.    PETERS    Si    SON, 
BOSTON. 


71366 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER 


PAGE 


I.  The  Emperor  —  His  Private  Life    ....  7 

II.  The  Emperor  considered  as  a  rouTiciAN    .  45 

III.  Prince  Napoleon 90 

IV.  Tragic  Shadows 136 

V.  The  Emperor  and  the  Salons 168 

VI.  M.  Eugene  Rouher 1S6 

VII.  M.  Emile  Ollivier 219 

VIII.  The  Apotheosis 265 

IX.  The  Drama 289 

X.  The  Declaration  of  War 303 

XI.  Sedan 337 

XII.  The  Close  of  a  Reign 357 


TO   THE    READER 


Did  I  wish  to  write  a  preface  to  this  third 
volume  of  the  anecdotal  history  of  the  Second 
Empire,  the  numerous  incidents  which  have  ac- 
companied and  which  have  followed  the  publi- 
cation of  my  previous  works,  would  render  the 
task  easy. 

Having,  however,  replied  to  my  opponents 
in  a  special  chapter  upon  the  Court  of  Napo- 
leon III.,  I  will  add  nothing  to  what  I  have 
there  said.  In  doing  so  I  should  but  renew 
a  discussion  into  which  I  do  not  care  to  enter. 
In  arguments  of  this  nature  it  becomes  neces- 
sary, in  order  to  affect  public  opinion,  as  well 
as  to  avoid  the  appearance  of  retreating  before 
an  adversary  unjust  through  his  own  violence, 
to  make  use  of  the  same  vocabulary  which  he 
has  chosen,  to  return  his  attacks — for  a  dis- 
cussion is  like  a  game  of  battledore  and  shuttle- 
cock—  to  return  his  attacks,  I  say,  with  the 
same  cold  and  intense  passion,  with  the  same 
5 


6  TO    THE  READER. 

ill-concealed  anger  as  his  own.  None  can  fail 
to  recognise  in  this  a  diversion  hardly  worthy 
of  a  writer  ;  I  prefer,  therefore,  to  complete 
my  work  without  resorting  to  recrimination. 
When  all  is  still  in  the  farmhouse,  what  does 
one  care  for  the  wind  which  howls  round  the 
barns  stocked  with  wheat,  and  which  is  power- 
less to  do  more  than  shake  the  roof .''  There 
should,  however,  I  repeat,  be  a  preface  of  a 
peculiar  nature  which  might  serve  to  settle 
the  controversies  roused  by  my  statements ;  but 
such  a  preface  would  have  an  interest  alto- 
gether personal,  and  for  this  reason  I  limit  to 
these  few  lines  the  introduction  to  my  third 
volume  upon  the  Second  Empire.  I  have  aban- 
doned every  consideration  irrelevant  to  my 
theme,  that  I  may  strive  only  for  the  achieve- 
ment of  the  task  which  I  have  undertaken, 
and  for  the  faithful  representation  of  a  period 
which  has  all  the  charm,  all  the  sustained  inter- 
est, of  a  long  romance ;  which  has,  too,  all  the 
terrors,  all  the  convulsions,  of  an  interminable 
drama,  P.  de  L. 

Paris,  February,  1893. 


NAPOLEON    III 


THE    EMPEROR HIS    PRIVATE    LIFE. 

In  writing  my  preceding  works  upon  the 
Second  Empire,  I  have  allowed  myself  to  be 
carried  away  by  the  element  of  strangeness, 
and  also  by  the  anecdotal  interest  of  the  mate- 
rials which  have  helped  me  prepare  my  history  ; 
I  have  seldom  had  reason  to  be  deeply  moved, 
to  experience  that  tremor  of  the  senses  or  that 
tragic  emotion  which  is  fatally  roused  by  an 
idyllic  poem  or  by  a  bloody  epic. 

In  certain  chapters,  however,  relating  more 
particularly  to  those  events  which  occupied  the 
latter  part  of  the  reign  of  Napoleon  III.,  I  have 
been  unable  to  conceal  the  enthusiasm  which 
then  took  possession  of  me  ;  it  seemed,  as  I 
understood  better  the  personality  of  the  Em- 
peror, that  I  was  in  the  presence  of  one  of 
those  heroes  of  romance  or  of  drama  before 
whom  all  subsequent  heroes  of  romance  and 
7 


8  NAPOLEON  III. 

drama  in  the  literary  world  are  insignificant. 
This  feeling  is  now  strengthened  in  me  as  I 
write  these  pages  specially  consecrated  to  Na- 
poleon III.,  and  the  emotion  which  had  hitherto 
but  touched  me  lightly  has  increased  and  taken 
possession  of  my  narrative.  To  whatever  politi- 
cal party  my  readers  may  belong,  my  standpoint 
must,  nevertheless,  be  understood.  It  must  be 
admitted  that  the  character  of  Napoleon  III.  is 
more  interesting  to  study,  to  watch,  to  puzzle 
out,  than  the  character  of  one  —  however  psy- 
chological that  character  may  be  —  who  simply 
comes  and  goes  in  the  world  like  every  other 
man  and  woman,  be  he  honest  or  a  knave,  art- 
less or  a  dupe,  a  sceptic  or  a  believer. 

It  is  not  without  reason  that  I  suggest  a 
resemblance  between  the  Emperor  Napoleon  III. 
and  the  customary  hero  of  the  modern  novel. 
The  Emperor  was  indeed  a  hero  of  romance, 
but  a  hero  devoid  of  fictitious  embellishment, 
whose  actual  fortunes  are  developed  and  strung 
together  with  all  the  interest,  with  all  the 
rapidity,  with  all  the  logic,  of  a  good  melo- 
drama. 

There  is  no  reason  to  be  surprised  at  the 
attitude  assumed  by  Napoleon  III.,  or  by  the 
peculiar  character  which  he  gave  to  his  reign. 
Though  himself  unconscious  of  it,  the  Emperor 


THE  EMPEROR  — HIS  PRIVATE  LIFE.  9 

was  compelled  to  maintain,  during  the  whole 
course  of  his  life,  the  gloomy  bearing  of  an 
actor  in  a  leading  role ;  and  despite  his  cold- 
ness, his  reserve,  and  the  accuracy  of  his  obser- 
vation, he  was  obliged  to  live  his  days  like  so 
many  chapters  of  a  serial  story,  filling  them 
with  incident  and  with  change,  and  presenting 
them  to  the  public  linked  together  by  a  kind  of 
"  continued  in  our  next,"  both  enigmatical  and 
passionate. 

In  this  attitude  of  the  Emperor,  and  in  the 
peculiar  aspect  of  his  reign,  there  is  nothing 
unnatural.  Did  not,  indeed,  this  man  and  this 
reign  spring  up  in  a  moment,  as  if  appointed 
by  destiny .-'  Was  not  the  Prince  Louis  Napo- 
leon thrust  upon  history  with  the  opportuneness 
of  some  legendary  creation  whose  course  is 
immutably  fixed,  whose  career  irremediably  de- 
termined .''  Victor  Hugo  sang  his  name  in 
magic  verse ;  the  works  of  M.  Thiers  celebrate 
his  uncle's  glory ;  the  burden  of  Beranger's 
songs,  which  are  softly  repeated  by  the  people, 
stirred  the  golden  dust  of  the  imperial  bees 
which  perished  at  Saint  Helena,  but  which 
were  revived,  and  are  now  buzzing  round  that 
hive,  the  Invalides.  The  Prince  Louis  Napo- 
leon, urged  by  a  force  independent  of  his  free 
will,  moved  by  a  power  stronger  than  his  own, 


10  NAPOLEON  III. 

under  the  influence,  indeed,  of  that  legend  which 
prophesied  the  dizzy  heights  of  the  throne, 
longed  to  be  emperor  ;  the  demigod  of  that 
legend  wished  to  realise  in  himself  the  sublime 
words  of  Victor  Hugo,  to  perpetuate  the  glory 
of  his  uncle,  to  present  to  M.  Thiers  another 
episode  in  history,  to  fulfil  the  prophecy  of 
Beranger.  He  was  a  man  of  Fate,  the  product 
of  a  combination  of  fatal  causes ;  he  was  but 
what  Destiny  forced  him  to  be  ;  he  could  not 
have  been  other  than  he  was. 

Rocked  by  the  waves,  the  child  of  a  sailor, 
when  he  arrived  at  manhood  he,  too,  took  to  the 
sea.  His  ears  filled  with  the  groans  of  an  em- 
pire in  agony,  whose  voice  lingered  still  as  an 
echo,  his  imagination  excited,  despite  an  osten- 
sible calm,  by  the  power  and  beauty  of  a  liter- 
ature built  upon  his  name.  Prince  Napoleon 
wished  to  revive  a  great  epic,  wished  to  be  a 
Napoleon  I.  This  was  one  of  many  dreams  ; 
but  he  experienced  neither  Austerlitz,  Water- 
loo, nor  Saint  Helena.  Fate  apportioned  him 
instead,  Chiselhurst,  where  men  may  die  as  upon 
that  desolate  rock,  but  from  which  one  may, 
nevertheless,  escape  and  still  mount  to  glory. 
Fate  apportioned  him  Chiselhurst,  which  is  on 
the  threshold  of  France,  but  from  which  he 
did  not  return. 


THE  EMPEROR  — HIS  PRiyATE  LIFE.  II 

I  have  already  given  a  little  sketch  of  the 
Emperor  Napoleon  III.     Never   did  a  face  re- 
flect  more  perfectly  a  soul,  never  was  a  man 
more  fully  than  he  the  living,  breathing  embod- 
iment of  his  feelings.     The  mind,  the  soul,  of 
the  Emperor,  still  enveloped  in  visions  of  the 
past,  weary  of  the  deceptions  of  which  he  had 
been  dupe,  of  the  humiliations  which   he   had 
been  called  upon    to  undergo,  seemed  now  to 
falter  before  possible  flight,  as  though  stupefied 
by   the    long   sleep  of    his    erring    and    almost 
homeless  boyhood.     The  bodily  movements  of 
the  Emperor  were  laboured,  and  gave  an  impres- 
sion of  indolence ;    he   seemed  to   be   weighed 
down  by  a  chronic   fatigue  which  he  tried  to 
drive    away,    but    which    always    returned    and 
took  possession  of  him.      In  public  and  during 
official   ceremonies   he   made  a  great   effort   to 
overcome    this    depression,  but   its   power  was 
often  stronger  than  his  will.      He  then  became 
a  rigorous  observer  of  etiquette,  an  impassive 
sovereign   who  received   unmoved  the   homage 
of  courtiers,  of  officials,  of   office-seekers ;  yet, 
though   he  knew    so   well    how  to  fill  the  role 
of  sovereign,  he  found  the  attitude  which  these 
circumstances  forced  upon  him  wearisome  be- 
cause  it    deprived    him    of    his    beloved    hours 
of    revery  —  revery   called    forth    as    much    by 


12  NAPOLEON  III 

appeals  to  the  past  as  by  delusive  visions  of 
the  future.  He  was  only  happy  when  he  had 
escaped  from  critical  observation,  and  could 
once  more  assume  his  character  of  philosopher ; 
when  he  was  free  physically,  and  mentally  at 
peace  —  a  nobleman  at  home. 

Those  who  but  knew  Napoleon  III.  among 
the  conventional  surroundings  of  the  court,  did 
not,  in  truth,  know  him  at  all.  It  is  doubtless 
interesting  to  study  him  in  the  public  acts  of 
his  life,  but  no  less  interest  attaches  to  his  more 
intimate  personality  or  to  his  life  as  a  private 
individual.  As,  day  by  day,  the  Empress  grew 
more  trying  and  more  deceitful,  the  Emperor's 
heart  and  manner  alike  grew  colder.  Outside 
the  hours  devoted  to  work,  and  when  he  could 
escape  from  the  anxieties  which  the  unstable 
policy  of  his  ministers  occasioned  him,  he  was 
always  affable  and  kind,  eager  to  make  others 
happy,  and  to  bring  good  fortune  to  all,  like  the 
head  of  a  family  whose  constant  thought  is  for 
those  whom  he  loves  and  by  whom  he  is  loved. 
With  a  pleasant  word  for  all  whom  he  met,  he 
used  to  wander  through  the  Tuileries,  examin- 
ing and  re-examining,  as  in  a  museum,  the 
works  of  art  which,  through  infinite  patience 
and  the  aid  of  connoisseurs,  he  had  collected. 
Often,  too,  he  would  pass  from  his  own  room 


-       THE  EMPEROR  — HIS  PRIVATE  LIFE.  1 3 

into  the  apartments  of  the  Empress,  a  cigarette 
between  his  lips,  and  surprise  her  as  she  sat 
among  the  ladies  of  the  court ;  smoking  still, 
he  would  join  in  their  idle  talk,  laugh  at  their 
remarks,  then  leave  them  as  quietly  as  he  had 
come,  walking  with  that  measured,  swinging 
step  which  was  habitual  to  him.  Occasionally 
he  would  take  a  friend  or  an  aide-de-camp  and 
drive  out  in  a  phaeton,  accompanied  by  one 
attendant  only,  and  always  keeping  the  reins 
himself.  He  preferred,  however,  to  stroll  upon 
the  terrace  of  the  Tuileries,  along  the  banks  of 
the  Seine ;  there,  with  a  confidential  friend  at 
his  side,  more  often  General  Lepic,  or  General 
Fleury,  he  would  walk  quietly  for  long  hours, 
gazing  now  at  the  river-banks,  now  upon  Paris, 
in  whose  gardens  troops  of  careless  children 
frolicked  merrily.  At  his  own  side,  too,  there 
often  played  a  child  who,  however,  was  sepa- 
rated from  the  others,  and  whose  recreation  was 
controlled  by  official  regulations.  This  was  his 
son,  whom  he  loved  as  a  fanatic  loves  his  God, 
for  whom  he  lived  after  his  fall,  for  whom  he 
twice  died  when  his  effort  to  save  the  child's 
life  betrayed  him.  The  Emperor  was  troubled 
by  the  restrictions  imposed  upon  his  son.  He 
would  have  loved  to  see  him  among  the  other 
children,  mingling  with  theirs  his  shouts  of  joy 


14  NAPOLEON  HI. 

or  his  tears  of  childish  grief,  full  of  youthful 
spirits,  and  like  them,  a  joy  to  look  upon.  He 
longed  to  set  him  amongst  these,  but  etiquette 
required  the  poor,  imperial  child  to  sicken  and 
sadden  among  those  friends  whom  alone  con- 
ventionalities permitted  him  to  love. 

One  afternoon  the  Emperor  realised  his 
dream.  He  took  his  son  by  the  hand  and 
brought  him  into  the  public  garden  of  the  Tui- 
leries.  There  was  some  little  excitement  when 
the  Prince  Imperial  was  recognised  among  the 
noisy  crowd  of  little  urchins,  whose  parents 
were  seated  near  them  under  the  great  trees, 
watching  their  noisy  offspring.  The  Emperor, 
however,  only  laughed,  and,  bowing  to  the 
crowd,  pushed  his  son  into  the  midst  of  the 
children.  "Go,"  he  said,  "go  and  play."  The 
bashful  little  Prince  hesitated,  perplexed  by  this 
-sudden  liberty,  by  this  unexpected  contact  with 
human  beings.  "  Go,  Loulou,"  repeated  the 
Emperor,  "  go  and  play  with  them  ;  you  will 
soon  see  how  kind  they  are,  and  they  will  grow 
to  love  you  dearly."  That  day  Louis  did  indeed 
play  with  the  common  children,  while  his  father 
watched  him,  his  heart  full  of  joy  and  tender-^ 
ness. 

When  the  Emperor  returned  to  the  Tuileries, 
his  face  wore  an  expression  of  real  content,  that 


THE  EMPEROR  — HIS  PRll^ATE  LIFE.  I  5 

content  which  may  shine  upon  the  face  of  a 
true-hearted  man.  At  dinner  he  told  of  his 
little  escapade,  but  a  voice,  that  of  the  Em- 
press, interrupted  him  sternly. 

"  You  have  acted  most  imprudently,"  said 
she  ;  "  why  do  you  expose  Louis  to  a  compan- 
ionship which  he  should  never  know,  to  the 
companionship  of  ill-bred  children .'' " 

The  Emperor  looked  sadly  up  at  the  com- 
pany. "  Not  all  the  children,"  he  replied  quietly, 
"who  play  in  the  garden  are  ill-bred." 

He  said  nothing  more,  but  the  joy  had  sud- 
denly left  his  face.  On  this  occasion,  as  on 
many  others,  the  young  Empress  had  spoken 
tactlessly,  and,  not  understanding  his  nature, 
had  marred  her  husband's  happiness. 

I  have  already  spoken  of  the  lack  of  affection 
shown  the  young  Prince  by  his  mother.  I  have 
spoken  of  the  way  in  which  she  brought  him 
up,  with  a  harsh,  conventional  care  devoid  of  all 
demonstration  and  also  of  that  tender  simplicity 
which  makes  the  love  of  parents  so  divinely 
human.  I  have  also  spoken  of  the  Emperor's 
untold  love  for  his  child.  It  is  impossible  to 
emphasise  too  strongly  this  affection,  or  to  con- 
trast it  too  sharply  with  the  cold  indifference  of 
the  Empress.  It  would,  in  short,  be  impossible 
to  overestimate  the  innate  kindness  of  Napoleon 


1 6  NAPOLEON  III. 

III.  The  consideration  which  he  showed  his 
child  he  would  have  liked  to  extend  to  all  the 
world.  This  kindliness  of  spirit  was  not  con- 
fined to  his  feeling  for  children ;  it  character- 
ised as  strongly  his  relations  with  men  and  even 
those  with  his  enemies.  I  will  quote  in  support 
of  this  statement  but  one  example,  an  example 
which  is,  however,  convincing  and  eminently 
characteristic. 

When  Orsini^  was  condemned  to  death,  and 
the  question  of  pardon  was  submitted  to  the 
Emperor,  the  ministers  insisted  that  the  matter 
be  referred  to  the  cabinet.  A  council  was 
called,  and  when  Napoleon  III.  firmly  asserted 
his  right  of  pardon,  in  opposition  to  those  who 
wished  his  life,  a  violent  discussion  arose  be- 
tween him  and  his  counsellors.  The  council 
sat  all  night,  and  declared  itself  ready  to  hold 
permanent  session.  It  was  only  when  Napoleon 
III.  saw  that  to  persist  in  his  determination 
would  bring  about  a  political  crisis,  that  he 
yielded  his  privilege  and  sadly  resigned  himself 
to  necessity. 

1  Orsini  was  one  of  the  most  desperate  of  Italian  revolutionists. 
Considering  the  Emperor  Napoleon  III.  as  a  great  obstacle  to  the 
success  of  a  general  revolution  throughout  Europe,  he,  together  with 
three  accomplices,  attempted  his  assassination  on  January  14,  1858. 
As  Napoleon  and  the  Empress  were  approaching  the  opera-house,  he 
caused  several  bombs  to  be  thrown  under  their  carriage,  which,  ex- 
ploding, caused  many  deaths,  though  the  Emperor  and  Empress 
miraculously  escaped  unharmed.     (Translator's  note.) 


THE  EMPEROR— HIS  PRIJ^ATE  LIFE.  1 7 

I  am  not  in  this  instance  judging  Napoleon 
III.  as  a  politician,  but  rather  as  a  private  man. 
It  would  be  a  base  injustice,  an  injustice  of 
which  I  am,  in  the  face  of  any  circumstances, 
incapable,  to  conceal  the  truth. 

Whereas  all  the  sentiments  expressed  by  the 
Empress  were  weak  and  superficial,  the  Emper- 
or's affections  and  friendships  were  sincere  and 
deeply  rooted.  The  Empress  had  sudden  and 
irrational  attachments,  which  died  on  the  very 
day  that  they  were  born.  The  Emperor,  who 
was  in  every  way  the  opposite  of  his  wife  in 
character,  was  slow  to  give  his  affection  ;  but 
when  once  given  it  remained  constant,  and  was 
only  withdrawn  under  very  exceptional  circum- 
stances. 

The  court  was  the  scene  of  terrible  jeal- 
ousies, and  of  abominable  animosities.  In  this 
assembly,  on  the  one  hand,  of  men  and  women 
newly  initiated  into  grandeur,  and  an  arrogant 
though  subservient  aristocracy,  surrounded,  on 
the  other  hand,  by  a  foreign  nobility  and  a 
sullen  bourgeoisie  with  an  uncontrolled  thirst 
for  pleasure,  —  in  such  a  community,  I  say, 
plots,  competitions,  and  rivalries  were  a  nat- 
ural and  a  logical  result  of  circumstance.  The 
political  and  the  social  worlds  gave  free  play 
to  their  reciprocal  intrigues  ;  and  as  each  mem- 


1 8  NAPOLEON  III. 

ber  of  society  cast  aside  all  thought  of  the 
future,  an  inordinate  desire  for  present  pleas- 
ures sprung  up,  and  an  entirely  selfish  enjoy- 
ment of  them. 

The  Emperor,  who  was  often  appealed  to 
concerning  these  secret  dramas,  held  himself 
aloof  from  either  side.  He  usually  listened 
patiently  to  the  complaints,  and  to  the  claims 
which  were  laid  before  him,  but  he  forgot  them 
as  quickly  as  they  were  heard.  He  did  not 
place  in  his  friends  thus  slandered  less  confi- 
dence than  before ;  and  if  he  afterwards  spoke 
with  them  of  what  he  had  heard,  it  was  only 
that  they  might  laugh  over  it  together. 

"  Do  not  defend  yourself,"  he  said  one  day  to 
a  friend  who  had  been  the  victim  of  some  jeal- 
ous rival ;  "  I  love  you  all  the  more  dearly 
because  unkind  things  have  been  said  of  you." 

It  was  in  this  way  and  with  such  words  that 
he  won  the  affection  of  his  subjects,  who,  let 
it  be  fairly  stated,  nobly  retained  for  him,  even 
after  his  fall,  an  unalterable  devotion.  Certain 
courtiers,  however,  by  their  constantly  repeated 
assaults,  wearied  the  patience  of  honest  men, 
and  finally  compelled  them  to  retire  from  the 
council-boards,  and  to  remain  absent  from  the 
Tuileries. 

The  attitude  of  the  habitues  of  the  court  was 


THE  EMPEROR  — HIS  PRIVATE  LIFE.  1 9 

well  calculated  to  distress  those  who  were  the 
disinterested  friends  of  the  Emperor.  These 
arrogant  noblemen  and  frivolous  scoffers,  en- 
couraged and  protected  by  the  Empress,  made 
victims  of  their  sarcasm,  their  abuse,  and  their 
insupportable  scorn,  all  persons  who  by  some 
special  talent  for  letters,  science,  art,  or  poli- 
tics, had  attracted  the  attention  of  Napoleon 
III.  The  courtiers  considered  the  Tuileries  a 
sort  of  booty,  to  whose  pillage  they  were  exclu- 
sively entitled  ;  every  newcomer  was  regarded 
as  an  interloper,  and  his  privileges  carefully 
restricted  lest  he  should,  perhaps,  rob  them  of 
their  prerogatives,  or  win  too  much  favor  from 
the  Emperor. 

In  speaking  of  "  pillage  "  I  have  used  a  strong 
word ;  but  the  Emperor's  house  was,  indeed, 
portioned  out  in  equal  shares  by  its  guests  and 
beneficiaries.  The  indifference  of  Napoleon 
III.  to  money  was  well  known,  and  this  indif- 
ference was  with  little  scruple  turned  to  their 
own  advantage  by  the  courtiers.  To  impose 
upon  the  Empress  was,  however,  more  difficult. 
They  stood  in  some  awe  of  her  own  instincts 
of  economy,  and  also  feared  the  terrible  Pepa 
who  kept  her  accounts,  and  had  an  eye  on  her 
expenditures,  so  that  none  might  reap  benefits 
from  this  field,  to  whose  good  things  the  Em- 


20  NAPOLEON  III. 

press  had  sole  right.  Gaining  nothing  in  this 
direction,  they,  however,  robbed  the  Emperor 
largely,  and  with  little  attempt  at  concealment. 
The  Emperor  was  not  ignorant  of  these  thefts, 
but  he  feigned  ignorance,  silenced  by  his  in- 
stinctive horror  of  bickerings  and  his  inex- 
haustible sympathy  for  all  those  in  need.  He 
was  not  the  only  person,  however,  aware  of  this 
state  of  things ;  General  Lepic  was  one  of  the 
few  men  who  could  speak  with  perfect  frank- 
ness to  the  Emperor. 

"  You  are  being  robbed,  sire,"  said  he  one  day ; 

"if  you  do  not  put  an  end  to  this  squandering, 

the  Tuileries  will  soon  cease  to  be  yours  at  all." 

■  The  Emperor  sadly  shook  his  head  without 

replying. 

•'  It  would  be  hard  to  find,"  added  the  General, 
"three  thoroughly  honest,  upright  men  among 
those  around  you." 

Severe  as  was  this  statement,  truth  was 
written  upon  the  face  of  it  —  truth,  emphasized 
by  the  fact  that  the  very  courtiers  who  openly 
robbed  him,  professed  absolute  devotion  and 
were  ready  at  any  moment  to  sacrifice  their 
lives  for" him  ;  it  seems,  indeed,  as  though  they 
were  almost  unconscious  of  the  disloyalty  of 
their  own  acts,  finding  in  their  real  affection 
for  him  an  excuse  for  its  violation.     This  is,  it 


THE  EMPEROR  — HIS  PRIV/ITE  LIFE.  21 

is  true,  a  paradox,  a  sort  of  gambling  with  the 
affections.  I  am,  however,  convinced  that,  had 
it  been  impossible  to  extract  money  from  the 
Emperor,  these  men  would,  nevertheless,  have 
remained  faithful  to  him.  The  morals  of  the 
court  were  peculiar  to  itself.  At  the  Tuileries 
good  and  evil  were  not,  in  the  eyes  of  its  chosen 
circle  at  least,  measured  by  the  same  standards 
as  in  the  world  outside. 

Not  only  did  the  Tuileries  have  a  special  code 
of  morals,  it  also  had  a  religion  of  its  own.  The 
Empress,  Spanish  in  all  her  sentiments,  would 
have  muttered  a  prayer  at  the  same  moment 
that  she  was  watching  a  charade.  Her  court, 
like  herself,  worshipped  God  in  the  Spanish 
fashion.  The  men  went  with  a  devotion  equally 
divided,  either  to  mass  or  to  their  mistresses' 
boudoirs.  The  women  were  at  once  frivolous 
and  devout,  and  would  meet  their  lovers,  on 
issuing  from  the  confessional,  looking  indiffer- 
ently upon  penance  and  upon  the  renewal  of 
their  sins. 

There  is  an  amusing  story  illustrating  the 
religious  practices  at  the  Tuileries. 

Mme.  de  Montijo,  the  Empress's  mother,  was 
extremely  devout,  and  she  never  failed  on  seeing 
her  daughter,  to  ask  concerning  the  state  of  the 
Emperor's  soul. 


22  NAPOLEON  III. 

"  How  does  he  stand  in  relation  to  the  good 
God  ?  "  she  would  ask.  "  Is  he  in  favour  with  the 
Holy  Virgin  ?  Does  he  pursue  the  right  course 
toward  them,  and  is  he  careful  in  the  perform- 
ance of  his  devotions  ? " 

The  Empress  always  replied  that  he  seemed 
to  be  on  pleasant  terms  with  the  good  God  and 
with  the  Holy  Virgin ;  that  he  went  to  mass 
and  to  confessional,  and  was  always  generous 
towards  the  Church. 

This  was  perfectly  true ;  Napoleon  observed 
his  religious  duties  with  a  faithfulness  easily 
mistaken  for  true  fervour.  He  was  not,  how- 
ever, a  believer,  and  only  carried  out  these  obser- 
vances in  obedience  to  the  State,  which  required 
from  the  head  of  the  nation  an  example  of  re- 
spect toward  the  Church.  He  also  wished  to 
avoid  quarrels  with  the  Empress  and  the  loud 
lamentations  which  any  other  course  would  have 
called  forth  from  his  mother-in-law.  He  was 
not  at  heart  religious,  but  he  did  not  dare  let  it 
appear  that  he  was  not  so,  and  through  the  inter- 
vention of  his  wife,  he  became  the  defender  of 
Papacy  at  Rome.  He  showed  great  concern  for 
the  bishops,  and  made  himself  popular  with  all 
the  curates.  Referring  to  this  purely  surface  de- 
votion, which  was  made  a  real  necessity  to  him. 
Napoleon  HI.  once  told  an  amusing  story  to  a  few 


THE  EMPEROR  — HIS  PRIl^ATE  LIFE.  23 

of  the  intimate  friends  who  were  gathered  round 
him  in  the  privacy  of  his  own  study  —  the  sole 
retreat  where  he  felt  himself  at  home  and  free. 

When  in  the  country  with  the  Empress,  so 
the  story  ran,  at  the  time  of  a  Church  feast. 
Her  Majesty  persuaded  him  that  good  policy 
required  his  communing  upon  this  solemn  oc- 
casion. It  was  of  course  necessary  that  he 
should  first  confess  himself,  and  as  neither 
the  prelate  nor  the  priest  —  one  or  the  other 
of  whom  ordinarily  acted  as  confessor  —  were 
present,  he  was  forced  to  ask  absolution  from 
the  curate  of  the  place.  There  was  in  Napo- 
leon III.  a  love  of  mischief  which  found  ready 
expression  in  innocent  little  pleasantries,  not 
without  wit,  and  which  caused  him  infinite 
amusement.  On  this  occasion  the  Emperor 
was  seized  with  a  desire  to  have  a  little  fun  at 
the  expense  of  the  priest  who  was  about  to 
shrive  him.  The  poor  divine  was  much  agi- 
tated by  the  novel  duty  which  he  was  called 
upon  to  perform,  and  had  seated  himself  in  the 
confessional  with  much  trepidation,  almost  with 
terror.  What,  then,  were  his  feelings  when 
Napoleon  III.  began  to  speak!  The  sovereign 
had  conceived  the  idea  of  accusing  himself  of 
all  sorts  of  impossible  crimes  and  follies.  Each 
new  confidence  was  interrupted  by  a  sudden  and 


24  NAPOLEON  III. 

persistent  cough,  which  the  priest,  fearing  ta 
learn  the  further  transgressions  of  his  sinful 
penitent,  had  suddenly  developed.  This  game 
was  highly  amusing  to  the  Emperor,  who, 
observing  that  the  cough  grew  more  and  more 
severe,  paused  for  a  moment. 

"  You  have  a  very  bad  cold,  my  good  curate," 
said  he.  "  I  will  wait  till  that  painful  cough  is 
a  little  quieted,  before  continuing  my  confes- 
sion. I  am  a  great  sinner,  and  want  you  to 
hear  what  I  have  to  tell."- 

The  cough  then  suddenly  ceased,  but  the 
priest  grew  more  and  more  confused. 

"If  your  Majesty,"  he  said,  "will  permit  me, 
I  will  grant  your  Majesty  immediate  absolution. 
That  which  has  been  already  said  satisfies  my 
conscience." 

Napoleon  III.,  however,  insisted  upon  full 
confession,  while  the  curate  expressed  his  pref- 
erence for  absolution. 

"An  emperor,"  he  added  with  some  shrewd- 
ness, "  is,  I  see,  unlike  other  men.  I  pray 
your  Majesty,  therefore,  to  permit  a  somewhat 
unusual  treatment." 

The  Emperor,  much  amused  and  a  little  sur- 
prised at  the  wit  which  his  confessor  had  shown, 
brought  the  proceeding  to  a  close,  and,  on  leav- 
ing the  confessional,  gave  the  curate  a  heavy 
purse  for  his  poor. 


THE  EMPEROR  — HIS  PRIVATE  LIFE.  2$ 

It  has  been  observed  that  the  Emperor  stood 
in  great  horror  of  the  recriminations  and  lamen- 
tations, in  regard  to  rehgious  matters,  of  Mme. 
de  Montijo,  mother  of  the  Empress.  Nor  was 
it  only  with  regard  to  these  that  he  had  reason 
to  dread  the  Countess.  His  fears  were  of  long 
standing.  If,  indeed,  any  cause  could  have 
arisen  before  their  marriage  to  separate  Napo- 
leon III.  from  the  object  of  his  passionate  devo- 
tion, that  cause  would  have  been,  without 
doubt,  the  mother  of  the  future  Empress.  He 
was  not  ignorant  of  her  past,  of  her  doubtful 
morals,  of  her  tendency  to  confuse  good  and 
evil,  and  to  adopt  a  kind  of  virtue  hardly  deserv- 
ing the  name ;  he  did  not  wish,  indeed,  that  his 
young  wife  should  hold  too  intimate  relations 
with  her  mother,  but  he  did  not  succeed  in  pre- 
venting these  relations.  When  Mme.  de  Mon- 
tijo was  at  Paris,  she  saw  her  daughter  every 
day,  and  when  she  was  in  Spain  a  vigorous  cor- 
respondence was  kept  up. 

The  Emperor,  in  marrying  Mile,  de  Montijo, 
had  beyond  a  doubt  given  his  name  and  his 
throne  to  a  pure  woman.  Certain  combinations 
of  circumstances  had  at  one  time  occasioned 
doubts  in  Napoleon's  heart,  which,  though  after- 
wards quieted  by  the  dignified  attitude  of  the 
young    girl,  had  nevertheless   left    their  traces 


26  NAPOLEON  III. 

behind  them,  such  as  might,  perhaps,  be  left  on 
the  heart  of  any  man  accustomed  to  question 
his  Jiaficee  as  closely  as  Napoleon  did  his. 

Mile,  de  Montijo  confessed  that  she  had  loved 
before  she  had  met  him,  which  confession  was 
true.  Having  visited  with  her  mother  many 
fashionable  watering-places,  having  lived  at  Paris 
and  at  Madrid,  in  the  midst  of  a  lax  society 
composed  largely  of  foreigners.  Mile,  de  Mon- 
tijo had  frequently  met  men  who  had  been 
impressed  with  her  beauty.  Indulged  and  en- 
couraged by  her  mother,  she  had  tied  and  untied 
several  love-knots ;  it  was  the  knowledge  of 
this  fact  which  troubled  the  Emperor,  reveal- 
ing, as  it  did,  with  how  little  scruple  Mme.  de 
Montijo  had  countenanced  a  doubtful  line  of 
conduct. 

Mme.  de  Montijo  is  certainly  a  curious  char- 
acter, and  must  ever  remain  so.  She  is  a  good 
representative  of  that  type  of  woman  in  modern 
life  who  takes  little  heed  of  conventionalities, 
and  who,  having  a  beautiful  and  a  marriageable 
daughter,  goes  in  quest  of  the  desired  husband. 
One  encounters  this  type  to-day  on  the  shores 
of  the  Mediterranean.  During  the  Second 
Empire  resorts  situated  among  the  Pyrenees 
were  in  high  favour,  and  it  was  toward  that 
region  that  Mme.  de  Montijo  directed  both  her 
steps  and  her  hopes. 


THE  EMPEROR  — HIS  PRIVATE  LIFE.  2/ 

Possessing  an  income  of  a  hundred  thousand 
francs,  she  went  to  the  shore  in  summer,  usually 
to  Biarritz,  and  spent  the  autumns  and  winters 
in  Paris.  Accompanied  by  her  daughter,  she 
frequented  the  salons  which,  thanks  to  influen- 
tial friends,  such  as,  for  example,  the  Marquis 
de  la  Rochelambert,  formerly  French  minister 
to  Prussia,  opened  their  doors  wide  to  her.  She 
was  seen  at  the  Comedie-Fran^aise,  and  at  the 
Opera  ;  and  she  held,  at  her  home  in  the  Place 
Vendome,  receptions  which  were  not  without  a 
certain  notoriety.  Politicians  in  large  numbers 
frequented  these  salons,  each  attracted  by  the 
charms  of  the  young  girl,  who,  by  her  constant 
strategy,  kept  them  always  on  the  verge  of 
hope.  Mme.  de  Montijo  was  at  this  time  very 
open-hearted  and  sincere.  She  had  little  objec- 
tion to  scandal,  even  to  calumny,  if  these  could 
be  employed  in  bringing  about  a  desirable  mar- 
riage for  her  daughter  —  a  marriage  which 
should  put  an  end  to  her  adventurous  wander- 
ings, threatening  now  to  become  interminable. 
With  a  well-assumed  artlessness,  she  was  cordial 
to  every  one,  but,  the  candidate  out  of  sight, 
she  would  fix  his  exact  value,  and  weigh  him  as 
a  jeweller  weighs  an  ounce  of  gold,  and  then 
without  pity  set  him  aside  if  he  did  not  possess 
the  fortune  and  the  future  prospects  which  her 


28  NAPOLEON  III. 

ambition,  and  also,  be  it  said,  her  mother's  heart, 
demanded.  This  mother  did  indeed  love  her 
child  sincerely.  Though  she  expressed  her 
love  in  a  way  shocking  to  us  because  contrary 
to  our  French  customs,  such  violation  cannot 
prove  her  love  to  be  less,  or  justify  our  doubt 
of  it. 

Mme.  de  Montijo  would  not  have  hesitated, 
had  no  favourable  opportunity  of  marriage  pre- 
sented itself,  to  have  her  daughter  become  the 
mistress  of  some  man  of  note,  a  prince  or  a 
minister.  In  this  arrangement  she  would  have 
thought  only  of  her  child's  interests,  and  would 
have  considered  no  personal  advantage  to  her- 
self which  she  might  gain  thereby.  Her  morals 
were  those  imputed  to  certain  actresses'  moth- 
ers, except  that  the  Countess  was  neither  avari- 
cious nor  selfish. 

The  reader  will  remember  the  letter  which 
she  wrote  to  her  friend,  the  Marquis  de  la 
Rochelambert,  after  the  marriage  of  Mile,  de 
Montijo  with  the  Emperor  had  been  arranged. 
This  letter  was  sincere  in  its  spirit,  and  gave  ex- 
pression to  truly  kind  and  natural  feelings.  At 
that  time  the  Countess,  overtaken  by  an  unex- 
pected joy,  thought  only  of  the  probable  fruits 
of  that  joy,  and  gave  herself  up  to  the  pursuit 
of  those  maternal  duties  from  which  so  much 
happiness  was  to  result. 


THE  EMPEROR  — HIS  PRIl^ATE  LIFE.  29 

When  her  daughter  became  Empress,  her 
position  necessarily  changed.  The  Emperor 
exacted  of  her  a  reserve  which  she  could  not 
hope  again  to  throw  off.  In  her  inmost  heart, 
she  perhaps  longed  for  her  past  freedom.  She 
became  sullen  and  tearful,  and  harassed  Napo- 
leon III.,  as  well  as  her  daughter,  with  multitu- 
dinous inquiries,  demands,  and  complaints.  She 
had  an  inordinate  love  of  jewellery,  and  her  pur- 
chases were  all  made  known  at  the  Tuileries  by 
a  bill  which,  together  with  a  supplicating  letter, 
was  regularly  submitted  to  the  Empress,  Had 
she  been  given  free  rein,  she  would  have  become 
a  very  great  encumbrance  ;  but  the  Emperor  saw 
that  she  was  kept  within  fixed  bounds.  Mme. 
de  Monti]  o  was,  in  short,  neither  altogether 
good,  nor  yet  quite  the  reverse,  and  exerted 
but  small  influence  on  the  life  of  Napoleon  III. 
She  was  the  unconscious  instrument  of  an  un- 
kind fate,  and  in  the  family  life  of  the  Em- 
peror she  played  the  part  of  many  a  plebeian 
mother  who  has  been  fortunate  enough  to 
have  a  beautiful  daughter.  A  nobleman  one 
day  sees  the  daughter  and  marries  her ;  but 
he  carefully  hides  his  mother-in-law.  It  is  a 
common  story  in  many  a  family  among  the 
aristocracy,  and  it  is  that  of  Napoleon  III. 

I  have  in  my  previous  works  told  many  anec- 


30  NAPOLEON  III. 

dotes,  and  stated  some  facts  which  give  a  truth- 
ful picture  of  the  home-Hfe  of  Napoleon  III. 
Judging  from  an  external  view  of  my  state- 
ments, this  home-life  was  not,  in  appearance 
at  least,  altogether  unsatisfactory.  Despite 
appearances,  however,  and  the  affectionate 
letters  which  the  sovereigns,  during  their 
infrequent  official  separations,  exchanged,  the 
union  was  not  happy.  It  had  been  hastily 
made  under  the  influence,  on  the  one  side,  of 
a  violent  passion,  and  on  the  other  by  a  line 
of  cold,  calculating  argument  and  deliberate 
determination.  It  suffered  the  inevitable  fate 
of  all  such  unions.  Calm  and  satiety  follow 
the  first  feverish  hours  of  joy,  and  fill  the  man 
with  a  consciousness  of  disappointment  and  of 
mistaken  hopes.  He  sees  that  what  he  has  pur- 
chased through  many  a  folly,  many  a  sacrifice, 
has  given  him  but  a  material  and  a  transitory 
joy,  the  most  superficial,  the  least  enduring,  of 
all  joys.  He  sees  that  there  is  a  spiritual  bar- 
rier between  him  and  his  wife,  that  she  can 
respond  to  no  feeling  of  his,  understand  nothing 
that  is  dear  to  him  ;  and  bitterness  then  replaces 
love  in  his  heart.  In  the  presence  of  his  cold 
reserve,  the  wife,  who,  though  never  having 
loved,  is  yet  accustomed  to  affection,  to  com- 
panionship,   and    to    admiring    flattery,    rebels, 


THE  EMPEROR  — HIS  PRIVATE  LIFE.  3 1 

and,  under  the  sting  of  a  wounded  and  an  heart- 
less vanity,  becomes  moody,  irritable  and  ner- 
vous, finally  giving  way  to  a  feeling  of  honest 
jealousy.  Such  is  the  romance  of  Napoleon 
III.,  such,  also,  the  romance  of  the  Empress 
Eugenie. 

They  had,  nevertheless,  three  years  of  unal- 
loyed happiness,  which  began  on  January  30, 
1853,  the  day  of  their  marriage,  and  lasted  till 
March  16,  1856,  when  the  Prince  Imperial  was 
born.  After  this  time  all  intimacy  between  the 
Emperor  and  the  Empress  ceased.  Napoleon 
III.  deserted  his  wife,  and  bestowed  his  affec- 
tions upon  whoever  called  them  forth. 

It  might,  perhaps,  have  been  possible  at  that 
time  for  the  young  wife  to  win  back  the  love  of 
her  husband,  but  despite  the  power  which,  dur- 
ing their  courtship,  she  had  possessed  over  the 
Emperor's  heart  —  the  letters  which  she  had  then 
written  him  and  which  he  had  found  so  charm- 
ing, were  dictated  to  her  by  Merim6e  —  notwith- 
standing her  power  at  that  period,  she  showed 
herself  essentially  tactless  in  the  relations  of 
married  life.  Of  a  cold,  unimpassioned  tem- 
perament, she  had  nothing  to  offer  but  false 
protestations  of  love ;  she  thus  became  power- 
less to  keep  the  affections  of  her  husband,  who 
could  no  longer  doubt  that  in  the  first  exalta- 


32  NAPOLEON  III. 

tion  of  his  feeling,  in  the  blindness  of  his  hope, 
he  had  given  far  more  than  he  had  received. 
His  wife  no  longer  satisfied  him  ;  and  he  left 
her  without  remorse,  as  a  lover  deserts  an  un- 
feeling mistress,  pursued  by  the  cruelty,  the 
egotism  of  a  lonely,  an  unreciprocated  love. 

With  a  little  conjugal  tact,  the  Empress 
might  certainly  have  lessened  for  herself,  as 
well  as  for  the  Emperor,  the  loneliness  of  their 
domestic  life.  She  might  have  aroused  in  her 
simple-hearted  husband,  if  not  a  new  love,  a 
feeling  of  remorse  which  would  certainly  have 
checked  the  increasing  coldness  between  them. 
She,  however,  was  no  diplomat.  Beset  with 
pride,  she  but  followed  its  promptings,  and 
harassed  the  Emperor  with  complaints  and 
reproaches,  which  wearied  him  and  drove  him 
more  than  ever  from  his  home.  There  thus 
arose  a  daily  warfare  between  them.  Napo- 
leon III.,  gentle  by  nature,  tried  to  avoid  dis- 
cussions, and  fled  from  his  wife's  anger  and  her 
accusations,  dreading,  indeed,  to  be  alone  with 
her.  He  lived  in  constant  terror  of  conten- 
tious scenes,  which  seemed  endless,  and  which 
filled  him  with  disgust  of  his  own  home.  There 
was  no  retreat  in  the  palace  where  she  would 
not  find  and  follow  him.  In  his  own  study, 
the  one  place  where  he  might  hope  for  repose, 


THE  EMPEROR— HIS  PRIVATE  LIFE.  33 

he  was  only  half  safe.  It  often  happened  when 
he  was  studying  or,  perhaps,  talking  to  some 
visitor,  that  a  door  would  be  slyly  opened  and 
the  Empress's  head  disclosed  through  the 
crack,  her  face  wearing  an  anxious,  hard,  and 
inquisitive  expression.  If  it  happened  that 
the  visitor  were  a  woman,  he  was  certain  to 
receive,  after  she  had  left,  a  multitude  of 
reproaches,  and  was  compelled  to  endure  a 
sulky  face  for  many  succeeding  days. 

The  Emperor  was  fond  of  women,  and  by  na- 
ture irresistibly  attracted  to  them.  There  is, 
however,  every  reason  to  believe  that  he  would 
have  sought  their  society  less,  had  he  found  at 
home  that  companionship  and  that  tenderness 
for  which  he  had  doubtless  hoped.  A  separa- 
tion or  a  divorce  could  alone  remedy  this  state 
of  things  ;  but  these,  as  I  have  elsewhere  shown, 
were  forbidden  the  Emperor,  and  it  was  with  no 
hope  of  realisation  that  he  dreamed  of  this  expe- 
dient for  recovering  his  liberty,  and  also  that 
serenity  which  was  at  once  necessary  to  his 
personal  happiness  and  to  the  pursuit  of  his 
imperial  duties. 

The  Empress  had  a  fatal  influence  upon  the 
political  as  well  as  the  private  life  of  Napoleon 
III.  We  must  even  believe  that  the  anxieties 
which   she  occasioned  him   at   home  were  not 


34  NAPOLEON  ///. 

without  influence  in  bringing  about  a  certain 
lack  of  force  and  a  weakness  of  will-power, 
whose  result  was  the  omnipotence  of  the 
Empress,  and  which  also  helped  to  lay  at 
home  and  abroad  the  foundations  of  a  despic- 
able policy,  the  formal  expression  of  an  author- 
ity which  emphasised  the  weakness  of  Napoleon 
III.,  to  increase  the  discontent  of  statesmen  and 
strengthen  the  claims  of  the  people.  These 
causes  contained,  indeed,  the  germs  of  the  war 
of  1870.  This  is  undoubtedly  the  psychological 
analysis  of  the  Second  Empire  :  psychology  is 
not  always  a  romantic  word. 

In  order  to  escape  a  certain  kind  of  criticism, 
and  also  that  I  may  avert  any  possible  misun- 
derstanding as  to  the  purpose  of  my  work,  I 
have  already  stated  that  I  make  no  pretence 
of  writing  the  history  of  the  Second  Empire, 
according  to  the  sense  in  which  the  word  his- 
tory is  usually  understood.  My  object  is  to  set 
before  the  public,  in  their  more  intimate  rela- 
tions, certain  persons  and  events  which  char- 
acterise that  epoch,  and  to  trace  their  course. 
If  there  are  some  who  have  preferred  to  mis- 
understand my  thought,  there  are  surely  others 
who  have  grasped  it.  I  cannot,  however,  too 
strongly  emphasise  my  purpose  or  establish 
my  position,  wishing,  as  I  do,  to  avoid  all  use- 
less discussion  and  criticism. 


THE  EMPEROR  — HIS  PRIl/ATE  LIFE.  35 

It  is  in  accordance  with  my  original  idea  that 
I  have  spoken  of  the  private  life  of  Napoleon 
III.  Still  in  harmony  with  it  I  will  complete 
the  sketch. 

The  somewhat  monotonous  amusements  af- 
forded the  Emperor  in  his  private  life  at  the 
Tuileries  are  well  known,  and  also  the  ingen- 
ious efforts  of  wise  and  devoted  friends  to 
lessen  their  dulness. 

When  the  public  heard  that  there  were  cha- 
rades at  court  and  amusing  tableaux-vivants,  the 
habitues  of  the  palace  took  alarm  at  the  sudden 
amazement  and  the  severe  criticism  of  the  peo- 
ple. It  was,  therefore,  decided  that  the  news- 
papers should,  as  far  as  possible,  be  kept  ignorant 
of  affairs  relative  to  the  private  life  of  the  Em- 
peror and  Empress.  It  was  even  agreed  that 
foreign  papers  which  gave  accounts  of  imperial 
life  at  the  palace  should  be  confiscated  on  the 
frontier.  It  will  be  remembered  that  the  Em- 
press, sharing  the  indignation  of  the  courtiers, 
wrote  a  letter  concerning  a  much-talked-of  cha- 
rade acted  at  Fontainebleau,  in  which  she  gave 
vent  to  her  bitterness. 

There  is  a  document  not  less  curious,  which 
reveals  this  universal  dread  of  publicity,  and 
gives  a  just  idea  of  the  attitude  maintained  by 
the  court  to  the  people.     This  mean,  paltry,  and 


36  NAPOLEON  III. 

arrogant  spirit  is  represented  as  fully  as  pos- 
sible in  this  document,  which  was  but  intended 
for  private  reading. 

"All  the  papers,"  says  the  author  of  this  note,  "have 
published  accounts  of  the  hunt  which,  in  honour  of  her 
Majesty,  the  Empress,  will  be  held  at  Saint-Cloud.  They 
also  describe  in  full  the  proceedings  which  are  to  take 
place  in  Compifegne.  The  Petti  Crayon.,  after  consult- 
ing its  council  of  state,  has  decided  that  such  mat- 
ters should  not  be  made  public.  The  following  are  its 
reasons : — 

"  Should  one  read  the  Moniteiir  of  the  time  of  Napo- 
leon I.,  such  a  simple  statement  as  '  The  Emperor 
hunted'  would  alone  be  found.  In  this  we  have  a  good 
example. 

"  Again,  the  infuriated  enemies  of  the  government, 
who  find  in  every  circumstance  an  opportunity  to  destroy, 
undo,  dissolve,  and  annihilate,  have  here  a  fine  pretext 
to  continue  their  work ;  for  there  is  deeply  rooted  in 
France  a  foolish  impression  that  all  monarchs  who  have 
been  hunters  have  made  but  poor  rulers.  There  are 
thousands  of  stories  to  this  effect  which,  on  the  long 
winter  evenings,  are  circulated  in  the  corn-sheds  of  the 
peasants.  The  first  Napoleon  knew  this,  and  saw  that 
the  Moniteur  stated  but  the  bare  fact :  '  The  Emperor 
hunted.'  In  many  cases  even  this  notice  was  omitted. 
A  suffering  people  is  jealous  of  everything  ;  it  feels  that 
its  interests  are  alone  to  be  considered,  that  its  burdens 
are  too  heavy  to  bear  ! 

"  We  consider,  furthermore,  the  descriptions  pub- 
lished of  her  Majesty's  toilettes  quite  beyond  the  bounds 
of  decency.     She  is,  in  all  truth,  the  victim  of  sufficient 


THE  EMPEROR  — HIS  PRIVATE  LIFE.         7)7 

slander,  without  our  furnishing  the  material  for  more  of 
that  scandal  which  pursues  its  pitiless  work  under  cover. 

"  This,  moreover,  is  not  all.  Frenchmen  are  born 
poachers,  and  their  envy  is  aroused  by  any  one  who  is 
able  to  hunt  under  their  very  eyes  and  without  them. 
This  is  a  strange  but  a  true  fact.  Let  us,  then,  imagine 
the  news  spread  among  thirty-six  million  poachers,  which 
is  what  we  are,  that  the  Emperor  and  Empress,  instead 
of  inventing  means  to  lessen  their  miseries,  have  hunted 
and  killed  some  thousands  of  pheasants,  etc.  This  would 
be  but  to  nourish  envy,  and  to  open  the  gates  to 
calumny. 

"  The  Petit  Crayon  is  convinced  that  accounts  of  the 
hunt  are  furnished  by  some  foolish  fellow  to  one  of  those 
sly  foxes  who  are  continually  prowling  round  in  search 
of  a  victim  for  their  hatred.  There  are  many  enemies  to 
be  found  in  the  court  itself. 

"  The  Petit  Crayon  begs  that  journalists  shall  not  be 
allowed  at  Compi^gne,  and  believes  that  its  advice  is 
good.  The  world  will  then  no  longer  be  supplied  with 
accounts  of  the  imperial  hunts  and  diversions." 

These  lines  are  written  in  pencil,  as  the  pseu- 
donym of  their  author  would  suggest.  The  chi- 
rography  resembles  that  of  Merimee ;  it  seems 
probable  that  he  who  gave  such  good  advice 
to  Mile,  de  Montijo  before  her  marriage  should 
be  responsible  for  them.  We  must  not,  of 
course,  exaggerate  their  importance ;  but  I 
think  they  will  not  prove  quite  useless  to  those 
who,  after  me,  may  seek  by  philosophical  analy- 
sis to  understand  the  character  of  the  Second 


38  NAPOLEON  III 

Empire.  I  can  form  no  estimate  of  what  the 
future's  verdict  will  be,  but  can  only  hope  that 
to  it  this  curious  epoch  which  occupies  and 
often  perplexes  my  mind,  occasioning  me,  by 
an  accumulation  of  perplexing  facts,  doubt  and 
surprise  —  I  can  only  hope,  I  say,  that  to  it 
this  strange  period  of  the  Second  Empire  will 
be  easier  of  comprehension  than  it  has  been 
to  me. 

What,  indeed,  is  not  confused  and  incoherent 
in  the  court  of  the  Tuileries,  in  the  surround- 
ings of  the  Emperor  and  the  Empress,  whose 
union  was  itself  a  defiance  of  all  reason  } 

We  have  seen  in  the  preceding  paragraphs 
how  great  was  the  fear  at  the  Tuileries  of  any- 
thing which  might  place  the  public  in  contact 
with  the  affairs  of  court,  of  anything,  indeed, 
which  could  lessen  the  authority  or  the  prestige 
of  those  who  wielded  the  power,  and  who,  at 
their  will,  might  create  a  nation's  happiness,  or 
call  forth  its  tears.  It  is  strange  to  find  these 
courtiers,  these  monarchs,  who  were  made  in- 
dignant by  accounts  published  of  their  amuse- 
ments and  by  the  revelations  of  their  daily  life, 
rushing  with  a  thoughtless  inconsistency  to  the 
representations  of  the  operettas  which  at  that 
time  were  in  the  height  of  the  fashion.  The 
diabolic   Offenbach  had  invented  these  to  the 


THE  EMPEROR  — HIS  PRiy/tTE  LIFE.  39 

great  satisfaction,  not  only  of  the  people,  —  the 
people  which  felt  its  power  and  its  pride  greater 
when  in  the  presence  of  those  stage  heroes  gro- 
tesquely royal  or  divine,  —  but  also  to  the  sat- 
isfaction of  the  men  and  women  of  the  court, 
who,  blinded  by  a  stupid  vanity,  did  not  hear 
the  laughter  of  the  people,  or  perceive  that  it 
was  but  amused  by  General  Boum  and  the 
Grande  Duchesse,  because  these  were  conven- 
tionalised types  of  what  they  knew  to  be  reali- 
ties ;  because  under  the  Second  Empire  it  ob- 
tained no  chance  to  look  upon  the  great  ones 
of  this  world,  except  when  these  were  masked, 
or  else  disguised  in  the  transparent  tinsel  of 
the  carnival.  The  populace  did  indeed  christen 
with  real  names  the  puppet  faces  of  the  opera. 
There  is  here  a  subtle  suggestion  to  be  noted 
in  studying  the  history  of  the  Second  Empire. 

Jacques  Offenbach  appeared  at  a  moment  of 
great  psychological  interest.  Like  a  skilful 
handler  of  a  magic-lantern,  he  threw  a  strong 
light  upon  the  minds  of  the  people,  inspired 
them  with  a  sense  of  their  own  rights,  with 
strong  hatreds,  fierce  scorn,  and  sweet  hopes  of 
deliverance.  He  moved  in  the  midst  of  a 
great  living  parody.  His  long,  Mephistophelian 
shadow  crept  in  and  out  among  a  crowd  of  dis- 
jointed  beings,  and   is  felt   in  the  vortex  of  a 


40  NAPOLEON  III. 

whirling  mass  of  humanity.  He  played  the 
part  of  sorcerer  ;  he  presided  over  the  orgies 
of  pleasure  ;  he  was  the  delirious  leader  of  an 
orchestra  composed  of  laughter,  folly,  and  ex- 
travagance, of  light  and  sensual  loves  ;  an 
orchestra  whose  first  strains  were  those  of  an 
infernal  life-march,  whose  last  a  noisy  chaos  of 
sound,  after  which  came  silence  and  a  great 
void. 

I  remember  a  few  years  ago,  just  after  his 
death,  standing  beside  Offenbach's  cofhn. 
"  That  corpse,"  said  a  man  near  me,  "  is 
the  corpse  of  the  first  socialist  of  our  day ; 
it  was  he  who,  in  reality,  put  an  end  to  the 
Second  Empire  —  that  Second  Empire  which 
was  deemed  to  be  eternal." 

The  speaker  was  right.  The  work  of  Offen- 
bach was  a  high  trump  card  slipped  into  the 
hand  of  the  Empire's  opponent.  He,  more 
than  any,  hastened  the  overthrow  of  official 
prestige.  In  adorning  with  gilt  braid  the 
cuffs  of  his  General  Boum  and  of  his  fiery 
Achilles,  in  placing  the  captain's  plume  on 
the  head  of  Corporal  Fritz,  Offenbach  com- 
mitted a  revolutionary  act.  The  Empire  was 
crumbling  under  the  sonorous  shock  of  his 
musical  cadences,  while  the  footlights  in  his 
theatres   shone  with    the   reflection  of   Roche- 


THE  EMPEROR  — HIS  PRIVATE  LIFE.         4 1 

fort's  Lanterne.  He  laughed  no  less  than  did 
those  whom  he  amused  by  his  own  drolleries, 
dreaming,  perhaps,  as  little  as  they  that  the 
clashing  music  of  his  quadrilles  and  of  his 
boleros  should  some  day  be  accompanied  by 
the  terrible  bass  of  the  cannon. 

He  prepared  with  strong  spices  and  with  vin- 
egar the  colossal  salad  of  kings  and  emperors, 
of  princes,  marshals,  and  functionaries,  a  salad 
which  the  future  was  to  devour.  While  from 
the  heights  of  the  legislative  tribunal  the 
"  Five "  were  hurling  into  the  midst  of  the 
people  words  that  roused  the  country,  Offen- 
bach used  his  conductor's  baton  as  a  cudgel 
with  which  to  deal  formidable  blows  upon  the 
heads  of  potentates. 

He  was  Moliere  set  to  draw  the  bow  upon  a 
squeaking  fiddle.  More  than  once  the  shadow 
of  that  other  honest  scoffer  must  have  laughed 
in  the  presence  of  these  operatic  revolutionists, 
and  shaken  the  bells  on  his  fool's  cap  by  way 
of  applause  and  approval. 

This  century  is  accused  of  giving  birth  to 
a  sceptical  and  a  pleasure-loving  generation. 
Such  a  verdict  fails  to  take  into  account  the 
applause  which  Mile.  Schneider,  the  first  inter- 
preter of  Offenbach,  called  forth  when,  with  her 
father's   famous    sword,   she    made   her    superb 


42  NAPOLEON  III. 

thrust  at  the  person  of  prince  and  commoner 
ahke.  This  sword  had  a  sharp  edge,  and  Mile. 
Schneider  used  it  marvehously  well  in  cutting 
down  old  theories. 

We  must  not,  however,  attribute  to  Offen- 
bach's destructive  and  democratic  work  an 
exaggerated  importance.  Though  with  every 
drawing  of  his  musician's  bow,  he  overthrew 
some  prejudice  and  shattered  some  idol,  to  as- 
cribe to  him  an  undue  influence  upon  the  events 
of  the  Second  Empire  would  be  to  give  way  to 
a  childish  enthusiasm.  Jacques  Offenbach  cre- 
ated a  fashion  for  scofhng,  and  made  a  whole 
generation  dance  the  death-dance  of  doubt  and 
irreverence  ;  it  would,  however,  be  but  foolish- 
ness to  believe  that  the  notes  of  his  fife  or  the 
thunder  of  his  drum  resounded  beyond  his  own 
generation.  His  name  is,  nevertheless,  forever 
linked  with  the  history  of  the  Second  Empire ; 
and  in  that  final  shock  which  overthrew  the 
Tuileries  and  its  court,  is  heard  the  ring  of 
his  prophetic  voice.  He  is  a  curious  phase 
of  the  psychological  life  of  the  imperial  world  ; 
he  was  one  of  those  infinitesimal  atoms  which, 
when  accumulated  in  vast  numbers,  formed  the 
fearful  avalanche  that  swept  the  Emperor  and 
his  court  into  the  fathomless  abyss  of  destiny. 
It  was  essential  from  the  standpoint  of  justice 


THE  EMPEROR  — HIS  P RUGATE  LIFE.         43 

to  mention  him  here,  essential  that  a  place 
should  be  given  him  by  the  side  of  the 
many  persons  who,  like  worms  and  butter- 
flies, swarmed  in  the  Second  Empire  ;  it  is  but 
fair  that  he  should  be  accounted  one  drop  in 
that  great  sea  which,  at  times  calm  and  again 
tossed  in  storm,  rocked  the  life  of  Napoleon  III. 
In  private  life  the  Emperor  was  a  man  like 
other  men,  sharing  the  faults  and  the  charac- 
teristics common  to  all.  He  was,  however,  dis- 
tinguished from  other  men,  be  they  kings  or 
simple  citizens,  by  a  deep  and  a  sincere  love 
of  humanity,  by  a  spirit  of  true  kindliness.  It 
would  surely  be  ignoble  to  forget  the  high  sen- 
timents by  which  he  was  so  often  animated,  and 
to  consider  only  his  faults.  I  know  no  sinless 
man.  Professional  moralists  are  often  less  sin- 
less than  are  those  to  whom  they  preach.  I, 
therefore,  have  no  desire  to  imitate  them  in 
their  denunciations  or  to  give  way  to  any 
indignation  concerning  the  irregularities  of  the 
Emperor's  private  life.  These  irregularities  had 
no  direct  influence  upon  the  politics  pursued  at 
the  Tuileries,  if,  indeed,  exception  be  made  of 
two  or  three  of  the  women  who  at  one  time 
or  another  were  mistresses  of  Napoleon  III, 
These  women  were  no  more  a  vital  part  of 
the  Emperor's  life  than  were  meteors    in  the 


44  NAPOLEON  III. 

far-off  firmament,  meteors  whose  light  illu- 
mined the  immensity,  but  which  were  then 
forever  lost  within  the  night. 

There  was  a  charming  custom  in  olden  days 
of  covering  with  rose  leaves  the  heads  of  lovers 
and  of  their  fair  mistresses.  Without  requiring 
such  homage  for  Napoleon  III.,  I  would  yet 
beg  indulgence  for  his  frailties,  and  wish  that 
their  revelation  might  be  met  without  indigna- 
tion, but  rather  with  that  smiling  philosophy 
which,  more  than  anger  or  reproach,  is  in 
harmony  with  the  French  character. 


THE  EMPEROR  AS  A   POLITICIAN.  45 


11. 

THE    EMPEROR    CONSIDERED    AS    A    POLITICIAN. 

We  are  familiar  with  the  attitude  assumed 
by  the  Parisian  world  toward  Prince  Louis  Napo- 
leon Bonaparte  during  his  presidency.  Descend- 
ant of  the  greatest  name  of  the  century,  heir  of 
a  legendary  history,  the  Prince  was  yet  the 
object  of  raillery  and  of  systematic  scepticism. 
No  confidence  was  placed  in  him  ;  he  was,  in- 
deed, hardly  considered  seriously  ;  his  appoint- 
ment was  accepted  in  the  absence  of  anything 
better,  with  the  feeling  that  some  other  man 
would  soon  take  the  place  which  he  then  occu- 
pied. This  attitude  of  the  people  is  curious, 
but  more  curious  still  is  the  reception  which 
Prince  Louis  Napoleon  Bonaparte  received  when, 
in  1848,  he  presented  himself  as  candidate  for 
deputy.  An  atmosphere  of  absurdity  seems  to 
have  surrounded  the  person  of  the  applicant. 
The  uprisings  at  Strasburg  and  at  Boulogne, 
even  his  captivity  and  his  escape,  were  set  forth 
in  a  humorous  article,  and  ridicule  followed  him 
wherever  he  went. 


46  NAPOLEON  III 

The  upper  classes  of  society,  the  political 
world  —  and  in  this  world  were  included  those 
of  no  social  rank,  Bohemians,  and  even  the  un- 
principled —  alike  turned  from  him.  The  popu- 
lace, made  vaguely  anxious  by  the  mention  of 
his  name,  hoped  to  gain  nothing  from  him,  lis- 
tened indifferently  to  his  appeals,  and  dared 
place  no  faith  in  that  great  awakening  which 
he  prophesied. 

Prince  Louis  Napoleon  Bonaparte  was  alone, 
absolutely  alone,  in  1848,  surrounded  only  by 
strangers,  by  common  workmen,  and  small  mer- 
chants. The  truth  of  this  statement,  if  we 
except  the  army,  which  was  ready  to  enter  the 
field  for  his  cause,  is  fairly  staggering.  The 
electoral  committee  of  the  Prince  was  composed, 
when,  after  his  first  election  he  arrived  in  Paris 
from  London,  of  two  shoemakers,  a  coal-dealer, 
a  hair-dresser,  and  an  upholsterer.  Those  who, 
in  the  nature  of  things,  should  have  marched 
in  the  van,  those  who  should  have  cheered 
him,  taken  him  by  the  hand  and  presented  him 
to  the  people,  these  and  the  survivors  or  the 
descendants  of  that  aristocracy  which  had  been 
created  by  his  uncle,  —  even  these,  I  say,  seemed 
to  have  forgotten  his  coming,  seemed  to  ignore 
his  very  existence,  prudently  keeping  them 
selves  out  of  his  way  and  apart  from  one  who 


THE  EMPEROR  AS  A   POLITICIAN.  47 

was  deemed  of  little  use,  and  of  far  too  compro- 
mising a  nature. 

Prince  Louis  Napoleon  Bonaparte  was  alone  in 
1848  ;  he  had  neither  friends  nor  money.  There 
was,  however,  one  man  of  power  at  his  side,  a 
man  of  true  intelligence,  and  one  whose  devo- 
tion is  unequalled,  who  believed  in  him,  watched 
over  him,  and  worked  for  him.  This  was  M.  de 
Persigny  ;  and  when,  in  later  days,  the  Prince, 
who  had  then  become  Emperor,  gave  him  his 
unalterable  friendship,  it  should  be  remembered 
that  this  friendship  was  but  natural  and,  one 
might  say,  obligatory. 

We  have  seen  how  little  respect  his  electoral 
committee  could  hope  to  inspire  at  the  time  of 
Napoleon's  arrival  in  Paris.  This  committee 
held  its  sessions  in  a  small  office  situated  at  the 
back  of  a  dark  passage-way ;  but  despite  its 
extreme  indigence,  it  had,  nevertheless,  assured 
the  triumph  of  its  candidate. 

Some  time  before  the  election,  M.  de  Roth- 
schild, having  positively  declined  to  furnish  the 
imperial  candidate  with  funds,  the  poor  mem- 
bers of  whom  the  committee  was  composed 
were  obliged  to  collect  pennies  in  any  quarter 
where  they  could,  in  order  that  the  name  of 
their  Prince  might  be  placed  on  the  walls  of  the 
capital.     They  frequented  the  faubourgs,  spoke 


48  NAPOLEON  III. 

to  the  people  in  their  own  language,  and  only 
returned  after  having  increased  the  number  of 
their  adherents,  and  having  won  rare  promises 
concerning  the  vote  which  was  to  decide  a 
nation's  destiny.  The  committee  was  not,  in 
reality,  without  some  apprehension  concerning 
the  result  of  this  vote.  Its  machinations,  how- 
ever, had  been  more  clever  than  it  knew.  In 
stirring  the  ashes  of  the  Imperial  Epic,  they  had 
won  the  hearts  of  the  women.  It  may  also  be 
affirmed  that  it  was  the  women  —  the  women 
of  the  people  —  who  brought  about  the  triumph 
of  the  Prince. 

The  story  of  this  triumph  is  indeed  a  curious 
bit  of  history,  like  the  parody  of  an  old-time 
farce.  Labourers'  wives,  moved  by  the  remem- 
brance of  Napoleon  I.,  and  also  by  that  of  his 
son,  who,  a  melancholy  shadow,  wandered  far 
from  him,  and  by  the  knowledge,  too,  of  the 
efforts  made  by  Prince  Louis  to  regain  the 
throne,  embraced  his  candidacy  with  great  zeal, 
inspired  by  one  of  those  irrational  enthusiasms 
w^hich  are  characteristic  of  all  women,  plebeian 
and  patrician  alike ;  and  they,  by  the  side  of 
their  husbands,  conducted  a  fierce  campaign  in 
his  cause.  They  were  almost  ready,  like  their 
sisters  of  long  ago,  to  lay  down  their  lives  for 
their  hero. 


THE  EMPEROR  AS   A   POLITICIAN.  49 

The  common  woman  has  considerable  influ- 
ence over  him  whom  in  vulgar  phraseology  she 
terms  her  "  man."  This  expression  is  not, 
however,  without  its  poetry. 

On  the  day  before  the  election,  all  Paris, 
and,  indeed,  all  France,  was  laughing  at  the  can- 
didacy of  Louis  Napoleon  Bonaparte.  He  was 
made  a  subject  of  mockery,  nor  was  his  election 
ever  for  a  moment  considered  as  a  possibility. 
When,  however,  the  ballots  were  counted 
France  stood  by  in  consternation.  The  Prince 
was  elected  by  a  majority  of  more  than  eighty 
thousand.  Precedent  had  been  stronger  than 
prejudice.  The  most  refractory  bowed  down 
before  it,  and  were  ready  to  accept  its  conse- 
quences. From  that  day  the  Prince  became  a 
power  not  to  be  ignored.  From  that  day,  too, 
the  Prince,  in  his  innermost  heart  scorning  — 
though  he  succeeded  in  concealing  this  scorn  — 
the  leaders  of  different  political  parties,  and 
also  the  upper  classes  of  society,  had  but  one 
aim,  that  of  winning  the  confidence  of  the 
poor,  of  entering  into  the  heart  of  labourer 
and  peasant,  of  gaining  the  sympathy  of  the 
army  which,  in  the  decisive  hour,  was  to  se- 
cure the  victory. 

Encouraged  by  his  first  success,  he  now  be- 
came   bold.      He    resigned    his    deputyship   on 


50  NAPOLEON  III. 

September  7,  1848,  but  was  re-elected,  not 
only  in  Paris,  but  also  in  several  of  the  de- 
partments. This  act  was,  on  the  part  of  the 
Prince,  a  test  of  public  sentiment. 

Despite  his  dizzying  onward  march,  how- 
ever, despite  even  his  election  to  the  presi- 
dency of  the  Republic,  Prince  Louis  Napoleon 
Bonaparte,  nevertheless,  remained  a  man  mor- 
ally isolated  from  his  surroundings.  It  was 
not  until  after  December  2,  18  51,  that  courtiers 
and  ofifice-seekers  gathered  round  him.  They 
then  became  very  numerous,  and  the  Emperor 
forgot  their  former  self-interested  doubts  and 
their  cowardice ;  he,  like  another  prince  in 
history,  forgave,  if  not  the  injuries  done  him, 
at  least  the  selfish  indifference  of  those  who 
had  not  at  one  time  believed  in  him,  but  who 
now  so  suddenly  offered  their  most  ardent 
sympathy. 

There  is  a  curious  incident  relative  to  the 
election  of  Louis  Napoleon  Bonaparte.  The 
very  day  after  the  election,  the  Count  de 
Morny  was  recommended  to  the  Prince  as  a 
man  whose  royalist  and  liberal  tendencies 
would  be  of  great  value  in  the  new  political 
regime.  The  Prince,  however,  looked  dis- 
pleased by  the  mention  of  his  name,  and 
struck  it  resolutely  from  his  list  of  friends.     M. 


THE  EMPEROR  AS  A  POLITICIAN.  5 1 

de  Morny  was  not  unknown  to  him,  nor  did 
he  doubt  his  ability,  his  energy,  or  the  strong 
support  which  he  was  capable  of  offering  him  ; 
but  he  was  vexed  and  embarrassed  by  the  blood 
relationship  existing  between  himself  and  the 
Count ;  he  could  not  forgive  his  brother's  un- 
seemly and  too  conspicuous  crest,  upon  which 
the  branch  of  Hortense's  house  was  subtly 
but  conspicuously  suggested.  An  easy  recon- 
ciliation was,  however,  effected  between  these 
two  men,  with  the  consequences  of  which  we 
are  familiar.  Despite  the  repugnance  which, 
before  December  2,  Prince,  Louis  Napoleon 
Bonaparte  had  shown  toward  M.  de  Morny,  he, 
nevertheless,  on  becoming  Emperor,  granted 
him  every  indulgence. 

Though  the  Prince  in  his  own  heart  attached 
but  little  importance  to  the  support  of  those  in- 
fluential personages  who  were  leaders  of  various 
political  parties,  though  he  had  told  his  parti- 
sans to  depend  wholly  upon  the  people  and 
upon  the  army,  he  did  not,  on  the  other  hand, 
altogether  despair  of  rallying  about  him  a  few 
men  of  authority  from  other  quarters. 

The  political  agitation  which  he  felt  about 
him  at  the  Ely  see  led  him  to  believe  for  a 
moment  that   there  was  a  response  to  his  ap- 


52  NAPOLEON  III. 

peals,  that  the  people  were  flocking  round  him, 
not  from  idle  curiosity  or  with  a  courteously 
concealed  indifference,  but  with  the  sincerity 
of  an  higher  purpose  and  the  firm  intention 
of  actively  assisting  in  his  labours.  He  was 
soon  brought  to  see  the  vanity  of  his  hopes. 
When  finally  convinced  that  nothing  could 
change  the  hypocritical  hostility  which  pur- 
sued him,  and  which  was  now  but  quieted  as  it 
were,  by  a  temporary  truce,  he  resolved  to  act. 
He  made  the  appeal  which  is  made  by  all 
adventurers,  all  seducers.  "  He  who  loves," 
he  said,  "must  follow  me  !  "  In  the  year  185 1, 
moreover,  the  parties  became  bolder,  more 
clamorous,  and  more  formidable.  Having  be- 
lieved that  the  duration  of  the  Prince's  presi- 
dency would  be  brief,  they  were  now  tired  of 
awaiting  its  end ;  they  were  troubled  by  its 
evident  vitality.  The  strength  of  the  opposi- 
tion was  each  day  increasing,  each  day  making 
itself  more  manifest.  The  Prince,  who  at  this 
time  had  a  quick  perception  and  a  ready  mode 
of  action,  wished  to  temporise  no  longer.  He 
assembled  his  friends,  and  with  their  aid  put 
at  nought  the  projects  of  those  who  could  not 
hide  the  hatred  with  which  he  inspired  them. 

The  Coup  d 'Etat  of  December  2,   1851,  has 
occasioned  many  discussions  to  which  I  care  to 


THE  EMPEROR  AS  A  POLITICIAN.  53 

add  nothing,  be  it  either  of  praise  or  blame.  In 
view,  however,  of  the  time  which  has  elapsed 
since  this  event,  and  despite  the  various  judg- 
ments which  it  has  called  forth,  I  do  not  hesi- 
tate —  bearing  always  in  mind  that  genesis 
which,  in  every  century,  is  common  to  the 
events  which  determine  social  evolution  —  to 
ask  that  question  which  a  thousand  times 
already  has  been  asked  :  Was  the  Coup 
d'fitat  of  December  2,  185 1,  a  crime? 

I  do  not  lose  sight  of  nor  ignore  the  fact  that 
on  December  2,  185 1,  the  laws  of  the  country 
were  violated.  What  historic  or  social  revolu- 
tion has  ever  been  accomplished  along  the  lines 
of  law.-*  In  relation  to  politics,  what  is  the 
exact  significance  of  the  word  crime .-' 

The  Coup  d'Etat  is  to  be  regretted  inas- 
much as  it  placed  the  destiny  of  a  people  in 
the  power  of  one  man,  and  compelled  it  to  pay 
homage  to  a  military  force  with  but  little  intelli- 
gence ;  a  force  which,  by  a  slavish  submission 
to  an  implacable  power,  accomplished  its  annihi- 
lation. Viewing  it,  however,  from  a  purely 
human  standpoint,  when  we  examine  the  Coup 
d'Etat  philosophically,  we  cannot  fail  to  see  in 
it  all  the  characteristics  of  a  revolution  ;  and  a 
revolution  can  be  accomplished  only  by  a  logi- 
cal and  almost  mathematical  course  of  violence. 


54  NAPOLEON  III. 

The  Second  of  December  undoubtedly  caused 
liberty  and  progress  to  take  a  step  backward. 
It  would,  however,  be  childish  to  believe  that, 
even  had  it  been  inspired  by  the  spirit  of  prog- 
ress and  liberty,  it  would  have  found  a  peaceful 
development.  It  is  with  nations  as  with  some 
women,  one  can  only  hope  to  influence  them 
through  violence. 

There  is  a  faith  prevalent  to-day  in  the  advent 
of  a  social  era  which  shall  be  built  upon  justice 
and  an  humanitarianism  faithfully  observed  and 
peacefully  accepted  by  all  men.  I,  together 
with  those  who  are  distressed  by  the  servitude 
and  the  sufferings  of  certain  classes,  with  those 
who  believe  in  a  supreme  and  an  universal  pity, 
have  faith  in  this  new  era,  and  even  believe  that 
we  are  nearer  it  than  is  generally  supposed ;  an 
era  when  the  world,  liberated  from  its  bonds  and 
from  its  oppressors,  shall  step  forth  into  the 
future  free.  Contrary,  however,  to  the  hopes  of 
certain  eager  and  generous  souls,  of  certain  too 
visionary  minds,  we  may  safely  affirm  that  this 
coming  revolution  will  be  accomplished  no  more 
peaceably  than  the  preceding  ones  have  been, 
that  revengeful  but  fertile  hatreds  can  alone 
give  birth  to  the  relative  happiness  of  humanity. 

This  theory  is,  I  think,  applicable  to  the 
Coup  d'Etat  of  December  2,  185 1,  which  was, 


THE  EMPEROR  AS  A  POLITICIAN.  55 

I  repeat,  a  revolution  which  inaugurated  a  new 
social  era.  This  theory  is,  indeed,  so  true,  it 
expresses  so  justly  the  exact  nature  of  things, 
that  when  later  Napoleon  III.  hoped  to  rebuild 
his  Empire  by  giving  it  free  institutions,  he 
failed  absolutely  in  his  efforts  of  reform.  He 
failed  because  in  1869  and  1870  politics  did  not 
possess  that  impetus  which  is  necessary  to 
social  evolution,  because  he  hesitated  in  the 
practical  application  of  his  ideas,  because  he  did 
not  dare  to  carry  out  his  wishes. 

The  second  of  January,  1870,  demanded  the 
same  energy  and  force  which  had  contributed 
to  the  success  of  the  second  of  December, 
that  energy  and  force  which  are  the  final 
consecration  of  all  earthly  labours,  which  are 
the  necessary  foundation  of  all  building  that 
is  to  endure  into  the  future. 

Prince  Louis  Napoleon  Bonaparte  had  in 
185 1  reduced  to  silence  the  liberal  opposition; 
in  1870  the  ministry,  represented  by  M.  Emile 
Ollivier,  should  have  crushed  the  dynastic  op- 
position, and  thus  have  secured  calm  for  its 
deliberations,  and  means  for  successfully  deter- 
mining its  line  of  action.  It  is  true  that  the 
very  underlying  principles  of  the  government 
would  have  been  imperilled  by  such  an  act  of 
authority,  but  politics,  like  the  more  insignifi- 


56  NAPOLEON  HI. 

cant  affairs  of  life,  are  controlled  by  an  inexor- 
able logic.  It  is  in  the  course  of  this  logic  that 
we  can  vaguely  see  new  eras  arise,  whose  storms 
and  calms  must,  however,  remain  unknown  to 
us. 

There  are  two  entirely  distinct  elements  to  be 
studied  in  the  political  policy  of  Napoleon  III.  ; 
one  concerns  affairs  of  the  interior,  the  other 
the  attitude  of  the  Tuileries  toward  foreign 
nations. 

Though  the  interior  policy  of  Napoleon  III. 
was  distinguished  by  absolutism,  it  cannot  be 
denied  that,  despite  the  intrigues  going  on 
about  him,  despite  the  covetous  spirit  of  his 
ministers  and  their  rivalries,  so  well  described 
by  M.  Roulland,  this  man  knew  admirably  well 
how  to  carry  out  his  own  wishes  so  long  as  his 
personal  control  over  the  government  lasted, 
knew  how  to  impose  upon  the  country  an  ad- 
ministration keenly  attentive  to  the  expression 
of  his  wishes.  The  prefects,  indeed,  of  the 
Second  Empire  remain  celebrated  in  the  an- 
nals of  officialism,  as  do  the  women  of  this 
period  in  the  annals  of  love.  The  men  of  the 
Second  Empire  administered  laws  and  loved 
their  mistresses  with  an  equal  ardour ;  the  one 
office  was,  indeed,  often  closely  allied  to  the 
o.ther.      The  women   who,   regardless   of   their 


THE  EMPEROR  AS  A  POLITICIAN.  57 

social  rank,  filled  so  important  a  role  in  the 
private  life  of  Napoleon  III.,  exerted  also  an 
indisputable  influence  upon  the  course  and  des- 
tiny of  his  government. 

Every  prefecture,  no  matter  of  how  small 
consequence,  was  like  the  court  of  the  Tuile- 
ries  in  miniature.  The  mistress  of  the  house 
held  her  salon  ;  and  those  women  about  her  who 
either  for  their  beauty,  their  wit,  or  their  fri- 
volity were  most  remarkable,  received  frequent 
summons  to  Paris  on  days  of  public  festival. 
The  of^cial  and  the  private  gates  of  the  palace 
were  both  open  to  them,  and  from  these  they 
would  issue  with  the  envied  prestige  of  personal 
distinction. 

M.  Janvier  de  la  Motte  is  a  type  of  the  pre- 
fect of  the  Second  Empire  who  has  received, 
and  deservedly  so,  the  most  censure,  but  who 
was,  nevertheless,  one  of  the  most  popular  men 
of  his  day.  M.  Janvier  de  la  Motte  acted  un- 
justly toward  tax-payers,  introduced  into  his 
prefecture  renowned  members  of  the  demi- 
monde, and  quarrelled  with  the  magistrates. 
In  his  rounds,  however,  he  knew  how  to  speak 
to  the  people  in  their  own  language  ;  he  went 
into  their  cabins,  inquired  the  condition  of  their 
cows,  asked  the  prices  that  their  eggs  and  their 
butter    were    bringing,    was    interested    in    the 


58  NylPOLEON  III. 

health  of  their  wives,  and  invariably  compli- 
mented their  children  ;  v^^hile  they,  in  return  for 
so  much  courtesy,  judged  the  Emperor  by  the 
suave  manners  of  his  representative,  and  at  the 
time  of  election  voted  for  the  official  candidate. 

All  the  prefects  did  not  pursue  a  similar 
course.  There  were  some  who,  less  familiar, 
less  ready  to  place  themselves  on  grounds  of 
intimacy  with  the  people,  were  more  successful 
in  retaining  their  prestige.  M.  Janvier  de  la 
Motte  was,  however,  valued  by  all  as  a  power 
to  manage  the  humble  classes,  and  as  a  means 
of  procuring  work  from  labourers  in  the  cities. 
It  was  thus  in  winning  the  constant  sympathy 
of  the  masses  that  the  government  of  Napo- 
leon III.  maintained  its  apparent  unity,  and 
could,  with  so  little  cause  for  discomfiture, 
afford  to  neglect  the  occasional  adversaries  which 
from  time  to  time  dared  present  themselves. 

It  is  important  to  state  here  that,  while  the 
prefects  served  Napoleon  III.  with  zeal  and  in- 
telligence, the  ministers,  on  the  other  hand,  who 
followed  each  other  in  quick  succession  round 
him,  forgot  the  welfare  of  the  dynasty,  and 
thought  only  of  their  own  hopes  and  interests, 
of  their  hatreds  and  their  retaliations.  The 
majority,  indeed,  maintained  this  careless  atti- 
tude in  the  fulfilment  of  their  duties  —  an  at- 


THE  EMPEROR  AS  A_  POLITICIAN.  59 

titude  which  made  it  easy  for  others  to  usurp 
the  real  power ;  slaves  to  their  own  selfishness, 
these  ministers  failed  to  see  the  abyss  which 
they  were  preparing  under  the  very  feet  of  their 
sovereign. 

The  most  pernicious  among  them  was  un- 
doubtedly M.  Rouher,  who  could  do  what  he 
chose  with  the  Emperor,  and  direct  his  judg- 
ment into  any  channel ;  but  he  met  with  great 
favour  and  encouragement  from  the  Empress. 
Napoleon  III.  had  cause  to  regret  having  given 
this  counsellor  the  title  of  vice-emperor,  and 
had  the  public  any  sense  of  justice,  it  would 
realise  that  this  man  —  whom  I  shall  consider 
in  a  subsequent  chapter  —  was  responsible  for 
those  disasters  which  form  an  epilogue  to  the 
Second  Empire  far  more  than  were  the  unfor- 
tunate liberals  of   1869  and  1870. 

Despite  many  statements  to  the  contrary, 
the  political,  liberal,  and  social  work  of  Napo- 
leon III.  was  immense,  and  strongly  resembles 
the  govermental  theories  of  Prince  Napoleon, 

Imbued  with  the  spirit  of  the  Revolution, 
and  possessing  a  thorough  respect  for  its  prin- 
ciples, the  Emperor,  though  he  repudiated  all 
parliamentarianism,  was  nothing  of  an  autocrat ; 
he  consented,  from  the  very  beginning  of  his 


6o  NAPOLEON  III. 

reign,  that  those  prerogatives  which  by  the 
constitution  were  awarded  him  —  i.e.  right  of 
initiative,  right  to  sign  treaties  of  commerce, 
right  to  declare  war  —  should  be  modified  by 
an  electoral  body  especially  authorised  to  vote 
upon  taxes  and  laws.  It  may  be  objected  that 
the  deputies  of  the  Second  Empire  were  firm 
partisans  of  the  Tuileries,  and  that  official  candi- 
dacy insured  a  power  against  an  apparent  legis- 
lative independence.  Official  candidacy  gave 
the  Emperor,  it  is  true,  a  certain  support  neces- 
sary to  him  for  the  accomplishment  of  his 
wishes ;  it  would,  however,  be  unjust  to  suppose 
that  Napoleon  III.  abused  this  privilege,  and  it 
would  be  still  more  unjust  to  deny  that  he  was 
more  than  necessarily  careful  to  establish  be- 
tween his  power  and  the  electoral  corps  an  un- 
derstanding based  upon  the  purest  liberalism. 
This  is  shown  by  his  sending  to  the  Bourbon 
Palace  ministers  authorised  to  discuss  public 
affairs,  as  well  as  in  his  acceptance  of  the  min- 
isterial responsibility,  and  in  his  choosing  his 
very  ministers  from  members  of  Parliament, 
without  obliging  those  among  them  who  were 
elected  to  resign  the  commission  which  they 
had  received  from  the  people. 

The  Emperor,  with  a  wisdom  which  claims 
recognition,  was  careful  not  to  confide  to  the 


THE  EMPEROR  AS  A  POLITICIAN.  6 1 

Senate  the  legal  prerogative  of  recognising 
danger  threatening  the  State.  A  Senate  com- 
posed for  the  most  part  of  men  thirsting  for 
power,  could  hardly  be  an  impartial  judge  in 
political  matters.  The  Emperor  knew  that  the 
public  always  invalidated,  and  with  reason,  a 
sentence  passed  by  an  assembly  of  men  whose 
interest  it  was  to  flatter  or  to  serve  the  govern- 
ment of  which  they  were  the  strongest  supports, 
a  government  which  made  favourites  of  them, 
and  paid  them  for  their  services.  He,  therefore, 
in  order  to  avoid  criticism,  as  well  as  to  give 
greater  authority  to  future  verdicts,  instituted  a 
Supreme  Court  composed  of  magistrates  who 
were  counsellors  in  the  Court  of  Appeals,  and 
also  chose  by  lot  several  jurymen  from  among 
the  general  counsellors  of  the  departments. 

Napoleon  III.,  more  honest  and  more  cour- 
ageous than  his  courtiers,  who  had  an  instinc- 
tive horror  of  book  and  newspaper,  re-established 
the  liberty  of  the  press.  Continuing  still  on 
the  path  of  reform,  he  proclaimed  freedom  to 
hold  public  gatherings,  facilitated  co-operation, 
and,  in  overthrowing  the  penal  laws  made  be- 
fore his  time,  freed  labour  from  the  authority 
of  labour  unions. 

The  Emperor  had  truly  at  heart  the  welfare 
of  the  poor.     He  decreed  that  when  disagree- 


62  NAPOLEON  III. 

ments  arose  between  employer  and  employed, 
the  former  should  no  longer  be  acquitted  upon 
his  simple  statement  of  the  facts  ;  he  therefore 
insured,  better  than  the  Revolution  had  done, 
the  equality  of  all  men  before  the  law ;  he  con- 
demned all  jurisprudence  tending  to  the  repres- 
sion of  labour  unions,  he  protected  workingmen's 
associations,  commercial  or  civil  ;  he  made  laws 
for  the  societies  of  mutual  aid,  and  established 
a  superannuation  fund. 

Here,  surely,  one  does  not  recognise  the  work 
of  a  tyrant,  of  a  man  absorbed  in  his  own  in- 
terests. If  the  reader  will,  after  this  brief  ex- 
position of  a  policy  which  has  too  often  been 
censured,  call  to  mind  the  different  character 
sketches  which  I  have  given  of  Napoleon  III., 
he  will,  I  think,  acknowledge  that  I  have  not 
yielded  to  a  mere  feeling  of  personal  sympathy 
in  trying  to  set  forth,  as  I  have,  the  real  char- 
acter of  this  man  in  whom  was  an  inexhaustible 
spirit  of  true  kindliness,  or  in  endeavouring  to 
do  him  the  justice  due  to  the  head  of  the 
nation. 

A  separate  volume  would  be  necessary,  were 
I  to  discuss  at  length  and  to  analyse  the  policy 
pursued  by  the  Emperor  Napoleon  III.  My 
design  is  but  to  sketch  its  general  outline. 


THE  EMPEROR  /IS  A  POLITICIAN.  63 

In  exposing,  a  few  pages  back,  the  Empress 
Eugenie's  participation  in  affairs  of  state,  and  in 
sketching  the  character  of  the  political  and  of 
the  diplomatic  world  which  surrounded  Napoleon 
III.,  I  have  developed  certain  of  the  stran- 
gest and  most  important  features,  both  of  his 
internal  and  of  his  international  policy ;  and  I 
have  based  my  account  upon  unpublished  let- 
ters of  ministers  and  ambassadors  who  were 
received  at  the  Tuileries.  It  has  been  my 
special  purpose  to  show  the  attitude  of  the 
court  toward  foreign  nations  and  toward  the 
representatives  of  certain  powers  ;  I  have  also 
spoken  of  the  Empress's  infatuation  with  some 
of  these,  and  have  emphasised  the  sad  re- 
proaches made  her  by  the  Emperor  on  this 
score. 

In  the  midst  of  adulation  and  of  triumph,  the 
Emperor  Napoleon  III.  could  not  fully  forget 
that  lack  of  sympathy,  that  reserve  and  defiance, 
which  Europe  had  shown  him  at  the  time  of  his 
succession  or,  more  truly,  after  his  Coup  d'Etat ; 
he  could  not  completely  ignore  the  hypocrisy 
and  the  egoism  of  the  foreign  courts  ;  he  would 
have  wished  more  dignity  and  more  reserve 
shown  the  diplomats  accredited  to  Paris,  that 
they  might  find  no  pretext  for  familiarity. 
Those   round    him,  however,   seldom    paid  any 


64  NAPOLEON  III. 

attention  to  his  wishes.  They  were  whirled  in 
a  mad  vortex  of  folly ;  and  the  Emperor  him- 
self stood  so  close  on  the  brink  of  this  whirl- 
pool, that,  despite  his  sorrow  and  his  efforts 
to  escape  he  was  seized,  and  his  course  deter- 
mined by  it. 

Did  not  the  Emperor  who,  in  his  foreign 
policy,  pursued,  as  we  know,  a  dream  —  the 
dream  of  national  unity  —  did  he  not  see  that 
this  policy,  this  inevitable  vacillation,  would 
give  a  fatal  blow  to  the  governmental  edifice, 
that  edifice  which  had  been  raised  on  the  Second 
of  December  by  an  arbitrary  act  of  authority .-' 
To  this  fact  he  was  undoubtedly  blind,  as  he 
made  no  effort  to  avert  that  great  collapse 
which  threatened  during  the  whole  course  of 
his  reign.  Had  he  been  less  harassed  by  pri- 
vate cares,  had  he  been  free  from  the  disturbing 
influence  of  an  unintelligent  and  a  self-seeking 
court,  he  might,  perhaps,  have  perceived  more 
clearly  the  symptoms  of  that  evil  which  was  to 
overthrow  his  work ;  he  might  then  have  better 
directed  his  public  policy. 

The  ideals  which  he  had  formed,  and  which, 
in  the  present  state  of  things,  were  far  too 
visionary,  and  whose  realisation  would  have 
been  most  dangerous,  were,  nevertheless,  beau- 
tiful ideals  and  worthy,  though    their  develop- 


THE  EMPEROR  AS  A  POLITICIAN.  65 

ment  was  too  rapid  for  the  peace  of  France,  to 
be  considered  and  pursued  by  the  present  gener- 
ation. 

The  theory  of  national  unity,  which  leads  to 
the  violent  but  the  real  emancipation  of  the 
classes,  was  in  the  mind  of  Napoleon  III.  the 
same  humanitarian  and  social  problem  which  in 
its  logical  and  inevitable  development  to-day 
occupies  the  strongest  and  the  most  imagina- 
tive minds. 

European  diplomacy  —  particularly  that  of 
Italy  and  of  Prussia  —  availed  itself  of  this 
visionary  scheme  to  conciliate  the  sovereign. 
They  deceived  him  with  gracious  and  insin- 
cere words.  Let  us,  however,  not  fail  to  render 
homage  to  the  generous  and  the  high-minded 
sentiments  of  the  man  who,  mastered  by  his 
universal  sympathy,  allowed  himself  in  the  sim- 
plicity of  his  heart  to  be  misled. 

Prussian  diplomacy  reaped  its  own  benefits 
from  the  dreams  and  Utopias  of  Napoleon  III. 
Less  self-seeking  than  the  Italian  diplomacy, 
however,  it  sought  to  reward  the  Emperor  for 
his  graciousness  and  for  the  good-will  which 
he  showed  in  all  questions  of  international 
policy,  by  offering  him  on  several  occasions  the 
strength  of  its  alliance.  He,  however,  was 
averse  to  such  alliances  ;    they  seemed  like  a 


66  NAPOLEON  III. 

kind  of  co-operation  in  behalf  of  conquest ;  and 
the  Emperor,  who  had  not  at  all  a  warlike 
nature,  and  who  never  fought  except  from  ne- 
cessity, or  out  of  a  certain  feeling  of  sentiment, 
rejected  these  offers.  By  a  cruel  and  a  singu- 
lar fatality,  it  was  through  accusing  him  of  war- 
like tendencies,  of  pursuing  the  policy  of  a  kind 
of  imperial  ogre,  that,  at  the  final  and  the  de- 
cisive moment,  the  sympathies  of  Europe  were 
turned  against  him. 

Prussia  announced  after  the  interview  at 
Biarritz,  that,  in  the  words  of  Count  Bismarck, 
"nothing  could  be  done  with  the  Emperor." 
From  that  time  it  watched  attentively  for  a 
moment  when  it  might  play  with  Napoleon  III. 
as  a  cat  plays  with  a  mouse.  Having  assumed 
a  warlike  policy,  it  now  awaited  an  opportunity 
to  compromise  the  Tuileries.  When  Prince 
Bismarck  thought  that  the  proper  moment  to 
act  had  come,  he  shut  himself  up  with  M.  Bene- 
detti,  our  ambassador  to  Berlin,  and  dictated  to 
him  the  famous  project  by  which  Prussia  en- 
gaged, in  exchange  for  a  stated  liberty  of  action, 
to  allow  France  to  take  possession  of  Belgium, 
M.  de  Benedetti,  at  Prince  Bismarck's  cour- 
teous request,  committed  into  the  hands  of  the 
Prussian  minister  the  compromising  pages  which 
he  had  just  written  ;  it  was  this  scrap  of  paper, 


THE  EMPEROR  AS  A  POLITICIAN.  6/ 

this  lie  so  difficult  to  disprove,  which  the  cabi- 
net at  Berlin  waved  in  the  face  of  all  Europe 
when  war  broke  out. 

France  cannot  know  the  profound  emotion 
which  this  revelation  caused  in  Belgium.  The 
feeling  was  intense,  and  turned  this  little  nation 
against  ours,  nor  has  a  friendly  spirit  ever  been 
revived.  It  was  evident  to  me,  when  in  Brus- 
sels a  short  time  ago,  that  the  hostile  feeling 
roused  at  that  time  was  not  in  the  smallest 
measure  appeased.  Belgium  believes,  or,  more 
truly,  chooses  to  believe,  that  France  once 
sought  by  an  act  of  violence  to  annex  it ;  if,  in- 
deed, our  neighbours,  from  an  instinctive  dread 
of  Germany,  fear  to  rejoice  too  openly  over  our 
disasters,  they,  nevertheless,  consider  our  defeat 
in  its  results  as  an  escape  for  them  from  a  great 
danger  which  threatened. 

It  is  natural  to  ask  why,  if  Napoleon  III.  dis- 
liked the  very  idea  of  war,  he  entered  into  it 
with  Russia ;  why  he  undertook  the  Italian 
campaign  against  Austria ;  why  he  organised 
the  expedition  to  Mexico  ;  and,  finally,  why  he 
so  unfortunately  entered  into  hostilities  with 
Germany. 

The  Emperor  had  a  secret  motive  in  his  war 
with  Russia,  a  motive  which  he  concealed  under 
the  pretext  of  an  international  policy,  and  this 


68  NAPOLEON  III. 

was  to  form  an  alliance  with  England.  Beside 
this,  Napoleon  did  not  like  Russia.  Strangely 
enough,  he  seemed  to  have  forgotten  the  cruel 
treatment  which  his  uncle  had  suffered  from 
the  English,  whereas  he  felt  a  hatred  toward 
the  Russians  which  cannot  be  intelligently  ex- 
plained by  the  ignominious  and  famous  retreat 
of  the  French  army.  He  neglected  no  oppor- 
tunity to  express  his  antipathy  to  Russia ;  yet, 
notwithstanding  the  private  letters  which  I  have 
published,  and  which  prove  that  he  loved  Eng- 
land no  better  or,  at  least,  that  he  never  for- 
gave Waterloo  or  Saint  Helena,  he  continually 
affirmed,  for  state  reasons  which  remain  prob- 
lematical, feelings  of  cordiality  and  of  regard 
for  the  latter.  Beside  the  personal  feelings  of 
animosity  which  we  have  sought  to  analyse,  it 
is  important  to  add  that  Napoleon  HI.  con- 
sidered the  commercial  interests  of  the  French 
people  to  be  more  closely  related  to  those  of 
England.  This  was  undoubtedly  the  cause  of 
his  determined  advances  to  England,  and  of  his 
scornful  indifference  at  this  time  to  all  other 
European  alliances.  I  do  not  say  that  the  Em- 
peror, socialist  and  humanitarian  that  he  was, 
had  not  against  Russia,  or  rather  against  its 
autocracy  and  its  institution  of  serfdom,  a,  so 
to  speak,  sentimental    prejudice.      If,    however, 


THE  EMPEROR  AS  A   POLITICIAN.  69 

we  accept  this  hypothesis,  how  can  we  account 
for  his  indulgence  toward  England,  with  its  false 
liberalism,  the  cruel  working  of  its  laws,  and 
the  condition  of  subjection  in  which  it  keeps 
its  colonies  ? 

The  Emperor  Napoleon  III.  is  a  sphinx,  an 
unanswered  riddle  ;  he  will  remain  to  history 
the  living  synthesis  of  a  subtle  philosophy. 

We  cannot  too  strongly  emphasise  the  fact 
that,  in  the  mind  of  Napoleon  III.,  the  war  with 
Austria  was  the  fulfilment  of  a  promise.  Bound 
by  previous  agreement  to  the  liberal  party  in 
much-divided  Italy,  he  wished  to  free  himself 
from  former  pledges  by  giving  that  nation,  once 
for  all,  an  active  evidence  of  his  sanction.  The 
thought  of  releasing  Italy  from  the  Austrian 
yoke,  the  thought  of  becoming  the  high  priest 
of  its  independence  and  of  its  unification, 
seemed  a  faint  realisation  of  his  ideal.  Thus  the 
war  was  undertaken  more  for  the  satisfaction 
of  a  desire  long  cherished,  but  never,  as  yet, 
practically  applied,  than  for  the  sake  of  faith- 
fully fulfilling  a  vow.  Did  he  also  think  of  an 
alliance  which,  at  some  future  day,  should  be 
useful  to  him,  and  prove  an  ample  recompense 
for  his  kindly  efforts  in  Italy's  behalf,  the  am- 
ple recompense  for  a  campaign  which  promised 
no  practical   results  .''     It  may  be  that  he  did  ; 


70  NAPOLEON  III. 

just  as  he  dreamed  of  a  confederation  of  the 
Latin  races,  a  confederation  which  should  be  so 
strong  in  its  feeling  of  unity,  and  so  built  upon 
mutual  interests  and  sympathies,  that  at  the  crit- 
ical moment  it  might  checkmate  that  confedera- 
tion of  northern  nations  whose  voice  was  already 
heard  in  imperious  appeals  and  loud  claims. 

The  letters  of  Prince  Metternich  have  thrown 
light  upon  the  Mexican  expedition ;  they  repre- 
sent it  as  the  realisation  of  a  beautiful  romance, 
of  a  charming  fairy  tale,  and  also  as  the  Em- 
press Eugenie's  revenge  against  Italy  in  the 
interest  of  Austria.  This  campaign  was,  in- 
deed, instigated  by  the  Empress  through  the 
urgency  of  her  friend,  Mme.  de  Metternich. 
It  was  a  long  time  before  they  consulted  the 
Emperor  at  all  concerning  the  plans  which  they 
were  making ;  and  when,  at  last,  the  Empress 
decided  to  reveal  their  scheme,  after  having 
already  involved  Napoleon,  after  having  used 
his  name  on  her  own  authority,  it  was  too 
late  for  him  to  withdraw  the  promise  which  he 
was  reported  to  have  given,  without  occasioning 
scandal  in  the  court,  and  provoking  displeasure 
which  would  have  brought  with  it  serious  con- 
sequences. 

It  was  not,  however,  without  remonstrance 
that  Napoleon  III.  allowed  himself  to  be  dragged 


THE  EMPEROR  AS  A   POLITICIAN.  7 1 

into  this  enterprise,  of  whose  absolute  futility- 
he  was  even  then  convinced.  There  were  long, 
painful,  and  violent  conferences  on  the  subject 
between  him  and  the  Empress ;  it  was,  so  I 
have  been  told,  after  a  most  impassioned  scene, 
that  the  Emperor,  abandoning  any  further  dis- 
cussion, resigned  himself  to  destiny. 

"  Why  should  I,"  Napoleon  asked  his  wife, 
*•  why  should  I  go  to  war  with  Mexico  .''  Why, 
under  the  pretext  of  recovering  a  trifling  debt, 
should  I  pick  a  quarrel  and  involve  my  country 
and  my  soldiers  in  an  inglorious  and  a  profitless 
enterprise .''  My  name  is  trafficked  with,  in- 
trigues are  formed  around  me,  and  you  are  the 
willing  accomplice  of  these  penny-newspaper 
sensationalists  and  sharpers." 

The  day  after  this  scene,  M,  de  Morny,  whom 
the  Empress  informed  of  the  Emperor's  remon- 
strances, and  of  the  danger  menacing  the  "  Cali- 
fornian  dream,"  went  to  Napoleon  and  restored 
in  some  degree  his  peace  of  mind,  compelling 
his  agreement,  and  extracting  from  him  the 
promise  to  offer  no  further  opposition  to  the 
expedition. 

M.  de  Morny  had  a  colossal  fortune  to  gain 
in  this  Mexican  enterprise  ;  and  the  fortune  was 
worth  an  argument  to  him,  as  was  Paris  worth 
a  mass  to  King  Henry.      He  argued,  and  his 


72  NAPOLEON  III. 

eloquence  overcame  the  Emperor's  objections. 
Indeed,  preparations  were  so  far  commenced  in 
Paris  and  in  Vienna  that  it  would,  I  repeat, 
have  been  impossible  to  retract  at  this  late 
hour  without  occasioning  most  unfortunate 
complications. 

This  rapid  analysis  of  events,  with  whose 
realisation  and  results  we  are  familiar  —  events 
which  official  documents,  destined  to  remain 
long  ignored,  will  eventually  explain  and  pass 
a  fairer  judgment  upon — this  analysis,  I  say, 
shows  that,  incontrovertibly,  the  power  and 
the  caprice  of  this  man,  supreme  in  authority, 
will  hold  awful  surprises  for  the  future,  and 
perhaps  involve  the  safety  of  nations.  The 
Emperor  Napoleon  III.  possessed  both  power 
and  will,  but  he  unfortunately  confided  in  the 
Empress  ;  and  as  a  man  may,  according  to  the 
feeling  of  the  moment,  love  or  betray  his  mis- 
tress, so  he,  despite  his  many  admirable  quali- 
ties, yielded  to  present  impulse  and  to  that 
instinctive  egoism  which  rules  all  men,  citizen 
and  prince  alike,  in  the  affairs  of  life. 

The  famous  words,  U Etat,  c  est  moi,  have 
perhaps  their  excuse,  their  logic,  even  their 
grandeur,  though  they  are  the  expression  of  an 
abominable  despotism,  when  spoken  to  a  society 
not  yet  established,  and  which  is  still   a  mys- 


THE  EMPEROR  AS  A  POLITICIAN.  73 

tery  to  itself.  They  are  shocking,  even  crimi- 
nal, when  uttered  in  a  community  of  free  men 
conscious  of  their  strength,  their  vitality,  and 
their  intelligence,  moved  by  the  consciousness 
of  a  common  duty  to  be  fulfilled,  inspired  by 
the  noble  doctrine  of  universal  sympathy,  and 
borne  irresistibly  on  toward  a  long-promised 
Elysium,  toward  a  destiny  irrevocably  deter- 
mined. 

Having  briefly  recapitulated  the  warlike  en- 
terprises of  the  Second  Empire,  it  would  seem 
natural  to  complete  this  page  of  history  by  re- 
lating those  incidents,  unknown  to  the  public, 
whose  results  were  to  render  inevitable  the 
Franco-Prussian  war  of  1870.  This  would 
seem  also  an  appropriate  place  to  speak  of  the 
events  which  are  connected  with  this  cam- 
paign, and  to  analyse  their  strange  genesis. 
In  this  chapter,  however,  which  is  especially 
devoted  to  the  personal  study  of  the  Em- 
peror, I  will  say  nothing  of  the  war  of  1870. 
Before  treating,  as  I  shall  do  in  another 
chapter,  the  problem  so  intimately  connected 
with  this  war,  I  pray  that  the  reader  will 
permit  me  to  complete  my  sketch  of  Napo- 
leon III. 

I    have    already    told    an    amusing    anecdote 


74  NAPOLEON  III. 

showing  the  rehgious  feeling  of  the  Emperor  ; 
and  I  have  said  that,  in  pursuing  the  favourable 
policy  which  he  did  toward  the  Papacy,  and  in 
showing  so  much  concern  for  the  French  clergy, 
he  but  yielded  to  the  entreaties  of  the  Empress. 
I  repeat  that  the  Emperor  was  not  at  heart 
religious,  and  was  not,  in  reality,  cordial  in 
his  feeling  toward  the  priesthood.  He  feared 
the  influence  of  the  Church  upon  the  State ; 
and  as  the  clergy,  for  its  part,  did  not  hesitate 
to  show  constant  hostility  to  the  sovereign  and 
to  his  government,  he  would  only  too  gladly 
have  welcomed  an  opportunity  to  check  the 
authority  which  these  adversaries  constantly 
assumed,  emboldened  as  they  were  by  the  ap- 
probation of  the  Empress. 

The  bishops  knew  well  the  attitude  of  the 
young  Empress  toward  ecclesiastical  affairs, 
and  stood  in  little  fear  of  the  Emperor.  En- 
couraged by  the  concessions  made  them,  and 
becoming  day  by  day  more  confident  of  the 
inviolability  of  their  position,  they  grew  more 
and  more  arrogant,  more  and  more  exacting,  and 
more  difficult  to  please. 

The  position  occupied  by  the  clergy  under 
the  Second  Empire  is  peculiar.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  support  which  Napoleon  III.  gave  the 
Papacy,  to  the  detriment  even  of  French  inter- 


THE  EMPEROR  AS  A   POLITICIAN.  75 

ests,  notwithstanding  the  indulgence  which  dur- 
ing the  whole  course  of  his  reign  he  showed 
the  bishops  and  the  factious  priests,  the  clergy 
never  for  a  moment  recovered  from  the  antip- 
athy with  which  from  the  very  first  they  had 
regarded  him ;  the  idea  of  showing  any  real 
gratitude  for  his  generosity  never  occurred  to 
them.  It  was  a  dangerous  generosity,  and  cost 
us  more  than  one  disaster,  making  at  last  be- 
tween Italy  and  ourselves  an  impassable  gulf. 

The  majority  of  the  bishops  were  very  velvet- 
pawed  with  the  Emperor  when  they  presented 
themselves  in  Paris,  or  when  they  received  him 
in  their  cathedrals  ;  but  they  opposed  him  ener- 
getically, spitefully,  and  slyly  at  other  times, 
and  never  for  a  moment  ceased  the  opposition 
which  they  had  taken  up  against  him. 

Some  among  them,  as,  for  instance,  Mgrs. 
Pie  and  Dupanloup,  did  not  hesitate  to  pro- 
voke open  revolt  against  the  imperial  power, 
and  from  this  continual  conflict  arose  a  national 
anarchy  which  should  have  been  vigorously 
repressed.  As  soon,  however,  as  Napoleon 
III.  spoke  of  reproving  and  bringing  to  terms 
some  arrogant  prelate,  the  Empress,  who  had 
emissaries  and  spies  of  the  orthodox  religion 
scattered  everywhere,  was  informed  of  the  in- 
tention ;  and  then  there  were  reproaches,  tears. 


J  6  NAPOLEON  III. 

and  menaces  in  the  Tuileries  —  expressions  of 
the  wild  rebellion  of  a  woman  whose  caprice 
and  whose  superstition  had  been  violated. 

The  Empress  had  never  truly  at  heart  the 
welfare  of  the  imperial  dynasty,  the  future  of 
her  husband,  or  the  interests  of  France.  She 
was  autocratic,  dangerous,  and  mischief -making ; 
she  followed  her  personal  wishes,  regardless  of 
their  non-conformity  to  the  demands  of  the  na- 
tion and  to  the  security  of  governmental  insti- 
tutions. She  made  marriages  and  she  created 
bishops,  nor  was  her  judgment  always  the 
wisest.  Among  the  prelates  whom  she  thus, 
despite  the  instinctive  repugnance  of  the  Em- 
peror, inflicted  on  the  Tuileries,  M.  Bauer 
should  be  mentioned  —  that  strange  man  who 
came  to  her  from  Queen  Isabella  of  Spain,  and 
whom  she  appointed  moralist  of  the  court  and 
worthy  hireling  of  her  chapel,  bestowing  upon 
him  the  honourable  title  of  Monsignor,  that 
authoritative  passe-pm^toiit  in  the  world. 

M.  Bauer  was  indeed  a  strange  man.  A 
baptised,  if  not  a  converted,  Jew,  he  had  trav- 
elled and  preached  all  over  Europe,  as  he  was 
afterwards  destined  to  preach  in  the  elegant 
court  of  the  Tuileries  ;  suddenly  he  appeared 
in  Paris  under  the  patronage  of  Queen  Isabella, 
who  presented  him  to  the  Empress.     This  abb6, 


THE  EMPEROR  AS  A  POLITICIAN.  // 

whose  popularity  was  so  great  and  so  sudden, 
was  unique  in  his  profession  ;  it  is  said  that, 
before  assuming  the  priest's  garb,  he  had  tried 
every  occupation  —  had  been  a  painter,  a  com- 
mercial traveller,  a  photographer,  and  a  monk. 
The  mystery  attached  to  his  person  did  not  at 
all  displease  the  Empress,  who  had  a  strong 
taste  for  romance  ;  and,  willing  or  not,  this  prel- 
ate found  himself  established  at  court,  where 
for  a  time  he  occupied  the  position  of  favourite. 
He  arrived  in  Paris  in  1866;  and  three  years 
later,  at  the  time  of  the  opening  of  the  Suez 
canal,  the  young  Empress  took  him  with  her 
on  the  first  solemn  day  of  the  festivals,  that  he 
might  bless  the  sea.  He,  like  so  many  others, 
was  lost  to  view  in  the  war  of  1870.  It  is  said 
that  after  the  storm  had  ceased  he  wished  to 
continue  his  sacerdotal  functions  and  to  occupy 
some  pulpit  in  Paris  ;  but  the  archbishop  for- 
bade his  continuing  in  the  ministry,  and  he 
disappeared,  or  rather  withdrew,  from  the  re- 
ligious world.  He  consoled  himself  by  a  regu- 
lar attendance  at  the  opera ;  he  resumed  his 
civilian's  dress,  and  was  an  assiduous  visitor  at 
the  dancing-hall. 

There  were,  however,  priests  who  were  not 
interlopers  among  those  who  mingled  with  the 
courtiers    of   the   Tuileries.     Royalty    received 


yS  N/iPOLEON  III. 

eminent  men  of  the  Church  whose  sincere  affec- 
tion for  the  imperial  family  cannot  be  doubted. 
Such  was  the  Bishop  of  Nancy,  of  whose  ex- 
perience with  the  Emperor  I  have  already 
spoken  ;  such,  also,  was  Mgr.  Donnet,  of  Bor- 
deaux, a  thoroughly  intelligent  prelate  who  was 
more  than  once  received  at  the  palace.  There 
is  an  amusing  story  told  of  him  also. 

Cardinal  Donnet,  so  the  story  runs,  having 
on  one  occasion  been  delayed  quite  late  at  the 
Tuileries,  rose  to  leave  when  some  women  at- 
tired in  low  dresses  for  th^  evening  entered ; 
Napoleon,  however,  insisted  on  detaining  him. 
Having  exhausted  all  his  arguments  in  vain,  the 
cardinal  pointed  to  the  group  of  women  which 
surrounded  the  Empress. 

"Does  not  your  Majesty  see,"  he  asked, 
"  that  I  am  put  out  by  the  shoulders  ?  " 

Napoleon  smiled. 

"  Pardon,  your  Eminence,"  he  replied,  "  you 
should  rather  feel  that  you  have  a  warm  place 
in  our  bosoms!' 

The  cardinal,  amused  by  the  unexpected  and 
somewhat  irreverent  pleasantry,  forgot  his  exces- 
sive austerity  and  willingly  remained  a  few 
moments  longer.  Such  affability  between  the 
Emperor  and  the  clergy  was,  however,  unusual. 
There  existed  between  Napoleon  III.   and  the 


THE  EMPEROR  AS  A  POLITICIAN.  79 

bishops  a  lack  of  sympathy  which  no  circum- 
stances served  to  lessen, 

Pius  IX.  never  forgave  Napoleon  III.  for 
refusing  to  support,  in  open  warfare,  his  ponti- 
ficial  claims  upon  Romagna,  which  had  been 
separated  from  the  Papal  States  ;  and  he  im- 
bued the  French  clergy  with  a  spirit  of  revolt 
and  of  opposition  that  found  daily  expression, 
and  which  rendered  all  friendly  intercourse  im- 
possible. 

This  opposition  was  felt  most  strongly  at 
the  time  of  legislative  elections.  It  was  not 
unusual  then  to  see  priests  of  the  most  humble 
parishes  take  part,  through  the  instigation  of 
bishops,  in  the  political  campaign,  and  uphold 
the  liberal  who  was  opposing  the  official  candi- 
date. In  the  departments  nearest  Paris,  where 
opposition  always  gains  a  strong  hold,  where  the 
people  are  ever  ready  to  support  the  enemies 
of  all  government,  this  attitude  of  the  clergy 
was  more  marked  and  became  more  aggressive. 

A  sort  of  fatality,  a  sort  of  false  pride,  caused 
the  Emperor  to  hesitate  at  the  thought  of  an 
open  rupture  with  the  Papacy.  Made  bitter 
and  indignant  by  the  ingratitude  of  the  Court 
of  Rome  and  of  the  clergy,  he  more  than  once 
conceived  the  idea  of  freeing  himself  from  the 
religious    tutelage    which    was    so    burdensome 


80  NAPOLEON  III. 

to  him.  He  always  wavered,  however,  at  the 
final  moment  ;  and  when,  as  a  reproof  to  Rome 
and  the  bishops,  he  determined  to  support  the 
movement  which  was  then  agitating  France  in 
favor  of  the  Gallican  Church,  a  movement  led 
by  Mgr.  Darboy,  he  only  succeeded  in  rousing, 
as  was  his  wont,  fierce  hatred  and  bitter  resent- 
ment against  himself. 

The  Emperor  was  too  often  the  dupe  of 
his  own  generosity,  of  his  own  good  humour. 
Statesman  that  he  was,  however,  he  should 
have  known  that  no  power  could  compel  the 
obedience  of  the  clergy  unless  administered 
with  bold  and  pitiless  authority.  A  statesman 
should  have  realised  that  no  power  could  hope 
to  conquer  the  resistance  of  the  Church  to  the 
institutions  of  modern  society. 

It  required  twenty  years  of  opposition  and 
warfare,  during  which  time  the  civil  power  was 
continually  in  arms,  to  repulse  the  demands  of 
the  Church,  and  to  overcome  the  opposition 
of  the  clergy  to  the  established  government. 
To  quiet  that  anarchy  which  hastened  the  fall 
of  the  Second  Empire,  a  pope  was  needed  who 
should  also  be  a  strong  politician,  and  who 
should  command  his  bishops  to  accept  repub- 
lican laws.  We  should  not  accord  the  clergy 
more  credit  than  is  its  due  in  this  submission. 


THE  EMPEROR  /IS   A  POLITICIAN.  8 1 

The  treaty  which  it  signed,  and  which  was, 
indeed,  forced  upon  it,  is  only  nominal,  and 
through  it  one  hears  to-day  the  mutterings  of 
anger  and  of  threatened  revenge. 

One  of  the  most  curious  pages  in  the  history 
of  the  Second  Empire  is  certainly  that  which 
concerns  the  titles  of  the  nobility.  Like  his 
uncle,  Napoleon  III.  attempted  the  dissolution 
of  the  ancient  aristocracy,  and  sought  to  sur- 
round himself  with  newly  created  dukes  and 
barons,  hoping  to  win  from  them  gratitude  on 
account  of  this  social  advancement. 

The  Emperor,  indeed,  to  speak  truthfully, 
with  his  eccentricities  and  his  unacknowledged 
socialism,  attached  but  a  relative  importance  to 
the  nobility,  and  was  not  pursued,  as  was  his 
uncle,  by  the  wish  to  give  to  this  social  caste 
the  prestige,  if  not  the  privileges,  necessary  to 
it,  if  it  is  to  retain  its  power  and  win  the  respect 
of  the  masses.  He  looked  upon  the  nobility  as 
a  decorative  institution,  as  a  useful  stimulus  to 
his  government,  and  as  a  power  which  should 
add  a  certain  dignity  to  his  own  office.  For 
these  reasons  he  re-established  the  law  which 
maintained  an  aristocracy  in  the  Empire  ;  for 
this  reason  he  instructed  his  Keeper  of  the 
Seals  to  draw  up  a  paper  designed  for  the 
pacification  of  the  rebellious  nobility  of  birth, 


82  NAPOLEON  HI. 

in  which  were  explained  the  revision  of  titles, 
their  authenticity,  and  the  regulations  of  judicial 
proceedings  which  should  be  exercised  against 
those  who  might  take  a  name  or  a  title  not  be- 
longing to  them.  Before  he  definitely  deter- 
mined upon  this  resolution,  Napoleon  III. 
wished  to  consult  the  most  prominent  men 
in  the  Empire  ;  many  most  interesting  facts 
have  been  furnished  me  in  regard  to  this 
affair. 

The  sovereign  summoned  MM.  Rouher,  de 
Morny,  de  Persigny,  and  Count  W.,  —  who  is 
the  author  of  the  information  to  which  I  this 
moment  referred,  —  and  having  explained  to 
them  his  project,  awaited,  as  was  his  wont, 
their  comment  in  the  councils.  There  then 
arose  a  characteristic  discussion  among  the 
four  men. 

M.  Rouher,  who  had  not  yet  become  vice- 
emperor,  that  fierce  mountaineer  and  convert 
from  democracy,  tossed  his  head  and  only  replied 
in  monosyllables,  and  in  thoroughly  non-com- 
mittal words  to  the  Emperor's  questions. 

M.  Rouher,  in  consequence  of  his  descent, 
cared  little  for  the  nobility.  In  his  respect  for 
authority,  however,  he  did  not  altogether  scorn 
the  institution  ;  and  while,  personally,  he  took 
little  account  of  its  existence,  he  acknowledged 


THE   EMPEROR  AS  A   POLITICIAN.  83 

it  a  necessary  part  of  governmental  machinery, 
and  a  strong  check  upon  the  people  in  their 
efforts  toward  freedom.  Actuated  by  such 
principles,  he  expressed  his  feeling  :  — 

"I  believe,"  said  he,  "that  the  nobility  has 
had  its  day  ;  that  modern  society  will  act  fool- 
ishly in  looking  to  it  for  strength  in  the  fu- 
ture ;  I  believe  that  the  State  can  no  longer 
find  support  in  any  privileged  caste ;  that  its 
one  support  must  be  a  principle  of  universal 
equa:lity,  and  that  the  world  must  belong  to 
the  man  who  does  most  to  make  it,  I  also 
believe,  however,  that  the  people  need  con- 
stantly to  see  a  light  above  them,  a  shining 
something  which  they  cannot  reach.  The 
populace  has  little  reverence,  and  its  absolute 
submission  to  authority  is  necessary  to  its 
effacement  ;  it  must  not  be  brought  near  to 
power.  In  creating  a  nobility  loyal  to  the  Em- 
pire, that  is  to  say,  in  creating  a  new  social 
caste,  one  which  will  form  a  closer  link  between 
the  people  and  the  governing  power  than  does 
the  official  class  to-day,  and  which  will  be  more 
able  than  it  to  prevent  any  dangerous  contact 
between  the  classes,  a  peaceable  and  a  neutral 
spirit  toward  political  affairs  will  be  insured  in 
the  masses  ;  governmental  prestige  will  be  aug- 
mented thereby  and  the  threats  of  the  rabble 


84  NAPOLEON  III. 

checked.      For    these    reasons    the    Emperor's 
project  is  excellent." 

M.  de  Morny  said  little ;  he  had  already  been 
converted  to  Napoleon's  theory,  and  he  con- 
tented himself  now  with  a  few  witty  remarks 
in  which  was  once  more  displayed  his  elegant 
scepticism. 

"To  be  noble,"  said  he,  adapting  to  his  own 
purpose  the  celebrated  words  of  a  woman  of 
rather  loose  morals,  "  to  be  noble  is  little  trou- 
ble and  much  pleasure.  So  create  your  aris- 
tocracy. Those  whom  we  shall  adorn  with 
plumes  will  be  neither  more  nor  less  stupid 
now  than  when  they  were  plebeians ;  and  if 
among  them  there  are  some  clever  enough  to 
wear  their  titles  with  dignity,  all  the  better, 
we  shall  gain  just  so  much  from  the  rabble. 
The  nobility  is  not  absolutely  necessary  to  the 
Empire ;  France  has  already  that  of  the  Fau- 
bourg Saint-Germain,  which  is  constantly  fight- 
ing it,  but  with  which  it  may  on  occasions  grace 
itself.  .  .  .  Many  nobles  to-day,"  he  added, 
after  a  pause,  "  are,  alas,  so  poor  that  one  can 
hardly  distinguish  their  nobility  through  the 
cloak  of  their  poverty.  If  we  create  nobles, 
let  us  be  sure  that  those  whom  we  thus  honour 
shall  have,  beyond  all  things,  a  field  of  gold  as 
the  base  of  their  armorial  bearings." 


THE  EMPEROR  AS  A  POLITICIAN.  85 

M.  de  Persigny  had  seemed  very  impatient 
while  MM.  Rouher  and  Morny  were  speaking. 
When  his  turn  came,  therefore,  he  expressed 
himself  with  great  spirit.  M.  de  Persigny,  like 
M.  Rouher,  was  an  autocrat,  but  a  more  upright 
and  a  more  generous-hearted  one  than  he ;  the 
thought  of  resorting  to  these  expedients  to 
quiet  the  people  was  repugnant  to  him.  He 
was  a  man  who  played  his  hand  openly,  who 
in  a  duel  bared  his  breast  to  the  enemy ;  if, 
despite  the  humanitarian  dreams  which  haunted 
him,  he  was  willing  to  see  the  people  crushed, 
he  would  wish  it  done  in  open  warfare,  without 
hypocrisy,  without  ambush.  Though  he  felt 
that  the  populace  must  be  kept  in  its  own 
place,  he  had  no  wish  to  humiliate  it ;  he  de- 
sired, on  the  contrary,  to  see  it  happy,  and 
perhaps  organised  into  a  social  body  whose 
needs  should  be  met  and  whose  existence  in- 
sured. The  theories  of  M.  Rouher,  therefore, 
which  put  a  sort  of  halo  round  the  abasement 
of  the  people,  he  found  most  displeasing,  and 
M.  Morny's  scepticism  irritated  him.  Himself 
a  parvenu,  he  had  always  remained  simple- 
hearted  and  unpretending ;  a  nobility,  that  is 
to  say,  a  class,  placed  by  an  official  stamp, 
and  a  little  pageantry,  on  a  higher  level  than 
the  rest  of  humanity,  could  hardly  expect  much 
mercy  from  him. 


86  NAPOLEON  HI. 

M.  de  Persigny  is  well  known  as  a  violent 
speaker ;  he  put  great  force  into  his  language, 
and  his  reply  to  MM.  Rouher  and  Morny  was 
vehement. 

"The  nobility,"  he  cried,  "is  a  ridiculous  in- 
stitution, and  has  never  been  of  use  to  the 
governmental  power.  It  has  burdened  the 
nation  with  its  conceit  and  its  folly,  and  has 
done  it  no  good.  The  Empire  has  nothing 
to  gain  by  the  creation  of  dukes  and  barons, 
in  the  exhibition  of  asses  carrying  relics.  You 
think  as  I  do,  Rouher,  and  you  are  not  hon- 
est, you  are  but  flattering  the  Emperor  when 
you  say  that  the  nobility  will  add  a  prestige 
to  his  authority.  As  for  Morny's  little  speech, 
that  is  not  worth  considering.  Morny  talks  the 
same  nonsense  to  us  as  to  the  women ;  he  is 
a  dandy  and  loves  to  pose.  Frippery  and  hum- 
bug do  not  take  the  place  of  ideas  ;  they  may 
succeed  with  women,  but  they  will  not  do  in 
politics.  I  discard  your  noblesse,  ancient  or 
modern,  and  you  will  be  wise  to  follow  my 
example ;  for,  if  that  is  your  only  defence,  I 
will  give  little  for  your  lives  on  the  day  when 
the  populace  begins  to  fight  and  you  have  need 
to  buckle  your  armour  on.  .  .  .  Look  higher," 
he  added,  with  a  quick  gesture.  "We  are 
paid    for    that.      Unite    the    people ;    establish 


THE  EMPEROR  AS  A   POLITICIAN.  8/ 

them  in  peace  under  the  intelHgent  guidance 
of  authoritative  leaders,  and  resign  to  others 
foolish  and  sneaking  methods." 

M.  Rouher  had  remained  calm  and  attentive 
during  this  harangue,  while  M,  Morny  had  ner- 
vously stroked  his  chin.  The  Emperor,  an- 
noyed by  the  opposition  offered  his  project, 
and  himself  still  fully  convinced  of  its  wis- 
dom, interposed  and  again  established  peace 
among  his  councillors. 

"We  are  talking  to  no  purpose,"  he  said 
quietly,  "and  I  think  you  have  hardly  under- 
stood my  meaning.  I  do  not  wish,  in  creating 
a  nobility  as  my  uncle  did,  to  put  a  barrier 
between  myself  and  the  people,  or  to  deprive 
them  of  their  rights.  My  object  is  but  to 
honour  and  recompense,  by  this  means,  those 
who  have  served  me." 

"  For  that,  sire,"  replied  M.  de  Persigny, 
"for  that  the  nobility  is  not  at  all  neces- 
sary." 

"Ah,  Persigny,"  said  the  Emperor,  "be  rea- 
sonable and  a  little  less  obstinate ;  at  heart  you 
are  not  so  bad,  after  all ! " 

The  awful  councillor  smiled ;  no  one  under- 
stood the  sovereign  better  than  he,  and  he 
knew  now  that  no  argument  would  change  his 
determination.      Like  a  dog,  therefore,  obedient 


88  NAPOLEON  III. 

to  the  voice  which  rebukes  it,  he  became  hum- 
ble, almost  sad,  and  said  nothing  more. 

Count  W ,  having  no  motive  for  oppos- 
ing the  Emperor,  and  perhaps  finding  this  con- 
versation rather  futile,  approved  the  project 
without  reservation. 

It  was  thus  that  the  formation  of  a  new  no- 
bility was  decided  upon  ;  it  was  another  act  by 
which  the  Second  Empire  became  a  feeble  imi- 
tation of  that  of  Napoleon  I. 

Destiny,  too,  has  its  caprices.  Of  the  four 
men  who  on  this  occasion  surrounded  Napoleon 
III.,  M.  Rouher  alone  remained  a  plebeian ;  but 
he  was  the  most  powerful  among  them. 

In  his  political  policy  Napoleon  III.  was  con- 
tinually led  by  visionary  hopes ;  continually 
under  the  influence  of  an  illusion,  of  a  mirage  ; 
continually  in  pursuit  of  a  goal  to  which  he 
could  not  attain.  Himself  a  fatalist,  his  days 
hung  in  the  balance  of  fate.  He  conceived  an 
idea,  and  then,  like  a  man  who,  speaking  a  for- 
eign language,  cannot  find  the  right  word  to  ex- 
press his  thought,  Napoleon  III.  searched  in  vain 
for  means  by  which  to  put  his  idea  in  execution. 
He  was  kind,  yet  he  drew  forth  tears ;  he  loved 
the  people,  but  he  involved  them  in  trouble.  In 
fairy-tales  one  reads  of  will-o'-the-wisps  leading 


THE  EMPEROR  /IS  A  POLITICIAN.  89 

travellers  astray,  and  bringing  them  to  the 
verge  of  great  abysses.  A  will-o'-the-wisp  flew 
before  Napoleon  III.,  who  watched  and  followed 
it  with  all  the  simple-hearted  faith  of  a  child. 
A  dreamer  and  a  mystic,  he  was  the  victim  of 
dreams  and  mysticism  ;  he  pursued  them  fatu- 
itously,  as  though  predestined  to  do  so.  If 
some  day  the  character  of  Napoleon  III.  shall 
inspire  a  drama,  he  will  be  represented  as  a 
wandering  shadow  never  at  rest  —  a  figure  pass- 
ing through  life  enveloped  in  mystery,  or,  per- 
haps, as  a  condemned  being. 


90  NAPOLEON  III. 


III. 


PRINCE  NAPOLEON. 


It  is  well  known  that  Prince  Napoleon,  son 
of  Jerome  Bonaparte,  at  one  time  King  of 
Westphalia,  and  first  cousin  of  Louis  Bona- 
parte, President  of  the  French  Republic,  was 
violently  opposed  to  the  Coup  d'Etat  of  De- 
cember Second  ;  it  is  known,  too,  that  his 
political  independence  very  nearly  occasioned 
a  serious  rupture  between  him  and  the  man 
who  afterwards  became  Napoleon  III.  After 
the  Prince  had  openly  declared  his  liberal 
views,  a  certain  coldness  arose  between  the 
two  cousins  and  kept  them  apart.  This  cold- 
ness, however,  was  not  destined  to  last ;  when 
Prince  Louis  Napoleon  became  Emperor,  he 
summoned  his  cousin  and  offered  him,  if  not 
his  full  confidence,  at  least  a  strong  affection. 
These  men  had  henceforth  a  true  attachment 
for  each  other ;  and  despite  all  that  was  said  to 
make  the  Prince  appear  ridiculous  and  odious 
in  the  eyes  of  the  Emperor,  despite  even  the 
unconcealed   hostility  of   the    Empress  toward 


PRINCE  NAPOLEON.  9 1 

him,  Napoleon  III.  gave  his  cousin  continual 
evidence  of  esteem,  and  ever  expressed  for  him 
sentiments  of  profound  friendship. 

State  reasons  sometimes  compelled  him  to 
disavow  or  to  blame  publicly  the  utterances  or 
the  acts  of  the  Prince ;  in  private,  however,  he 
atoned  for  this  severity,  and  drove  from  his 
cousin's  memory  expressions  of  an  authority 
which  might  have  wounded  him,  and  whose 
tendency  would  have  been  —  so  irrascible  and 
combative  was  his  temperament  —  to  drive 
him  to  a  more  active  opposition,  which  opposi- 
tion was,  however,  on  his  side  less  a  rivalry  than 
a  political  dandyism.  One  anecdote  will  serve 
to  illustrate  the  cordiality  which  existed  between 
the  Emperor  and  his  cousin,  and  will  prove  that 
their  public  dissensions  were  superficial. 

One  evening  Prince  Napoleon  was  at  the 
Tuileries  ;  and  having  that  day  given  expression 
to  certain  seditious  sentiments,  which  had 
forthwith  been  repeated  to  the  Emperor,  he 
was  taken  aside  by  his  cousin  and  reproved. 

"  I  hear,  Napoleon,"  said  the  Emperor,  "  that 
you  have  been  at  your  old  tricks  again  today." 

"  Have  I  really  been  as  revolutionary,"  the 
Prince  rejoined,  laughing,  "  as  I  am  reported  to 
have  been  .?  " 

"  Revolutionary,"  muttered  the  Emperor,  "  is 


92  NAPOLEON  III. 

a  word  which  may  signify  anything  or  nothing. 
No,  you  have  not  been  revolutionary,  you  have 
been  imprudent.  I  have  in  you,"  he  added, 
after  a  pause,  "a  terrible  cousin,  Napoleon. 
You  make  me  a  great  deal  of  trouble  —  a  great 
deal.  My  ministers  are  displeased  by  my  con- 
duct toward  you.  In  reality  you  and  I  agree 
about  many  things,  but  I  cannot  let  them  know 
that.  Ah,  Napoleon,  you  have  a  great  advan- 
tage over  me,  inasmuch  as  you  may  express 
your  thoughts  without  fearing  to  shock  the 
world." 

Prince  Napoleon  had  indeed  this  privilege 
which  was  denied  the  Emperor ;  he  could,  on 
occasion,  though  without  official  sanction,  sow 
seeds  of  freedom  among  the  people.  It  was 
true,  too,  that  the  Emperor's  secret  feelings 
were  often  closely  allied  to  those  of  the  prince. 

Prince  Napoleon  was  not  blind  to  his  cousin's 
innate  kindness  of  heart,  nor  to  his  rare  intel- 
lectual qualities.  He  frequently  discussed  with 
the  Emperor  schemes  which  the  latter,  unknown 
to  his  ministers,  took  pleasure  in  elaborating, 
and  which,  had  he  been  more  resolute,  or,  let 
us  say,  tyrannical,  he  might  have  put  into  exe- 
cution. If,  therefore,  there  was  always  a  cer- 
tain restraint  between  the  Emperor  and  his 
cousin,  this  restraint  was  but  the  result  of  the 


PRINCE  NAPOLEON.  93 

scornful  attitude  of  both  courtier  and  minis- 
ter toward  the  Prince,  and  of  the  Empress's 
avowed  enmity  for  him. 

I  have  already  spoken  of  the  Empress  Eu- 
genie's strong  dislike  of  the  Prince  ;  and  since 
the  publication  of  the  pages  in  which  I  empha- 
sized this  animosity,  partial  and  self-interested 
writers  have  sought  to  disprove  my  assertions, 
and  to  show  us  a  Prince  Napoleon  and  an  Em- 
press Eugenie  traversing  the  imperial  reign  as 
enemies,  it  is  true,  but  representing  the  Prince 
as  the  instigator  of  all  the  trouble,  and  the  Em- 
press as  a  persecuted  woman.  To  accept  such 
a  revised  version  of  facts,  and  to  credit  for  a 
moment  this  perversion  of  history,  must  require 
a  truly  credulous  spirit. 

Though  the  character  of  the  Empress  in- 
spired Prince  Napoleon  with  a  kind  of  antipa- 
thy, with  anger  at  times,  and  again  with  pity, 
he  would  doubtless  have  preferred,  under  the 
force  of  existing  circumstances,  to  have  culti- 
vated a  sort  of  intimacy  with  her ;  and  though 
a  feeling  of  friendship  were  out  of  the  question, 
he  might  at  least  have  borne  with  her  in  patient 
indifference.  Such  a  course  would  have  been 
possible  had  the  Empress  shown  him  any  sign  of 
friendship,  or  even  of  a  negative  regard,  but 
became  hopeless,  since  in  her  heart  there  was  no 


94  NAPOLEON  III. 

sentiment  which  could  call  forth  the  slighest 
cordiality  from  her  cousin. 

The  Empress  was  not  ignorant  of  the  fact 
that,  at  the  time  of  her  engagement  to  the 
Emperor,  the  Prince  was  one  of  Napoleon's 
counsellors  most  vehemently  opposed  to  the 
marriage ;  the  memory  of  his  opposition  and 
his  scorn  at  that  time  prevented  any  feeling 
of  friendliness  now. 

At  the  news  of  the  Emperor's  violent  passion 
for  Mile,  de  Montijo,  not  only  did  the  old  King 
Jerome  violently  remonstrate  with  the  Sover- 
eign, but  Prince  Napoleon  hurried  to  him  in 
the  hope  of  successfully  representing  the  folly 
and  the  danger  of  such  an  alliance. 

The  Prince  knew  Mme.  de  Montijo  and  her 
daughter,  and  considered  them  aristocratic  ad- 
venturers ;  it  seemed  to  him  that  the  Emperor 
must  realise  how  he  was  demeaning  himself  in 
marrying  a  watering-place  belle.  Though  the 
Prince,  when  a  personal  matter  was  under  con- 
sideration, committed  so  many  political  impru- 
dences, he  had,  nevertheless,  a  pretty  clear 
judgment  ;  more  than  once  during  his  cousin's 
reign  he  pointed  out  the  evils  from  which  the 
Empire  was  suffering  and  suggested  their 
remedy. 

At  the  time  of  the  Emperor's  engagement, 


PRINCE  NAPOLEON.  ^5 

inspired  by  a  kind  of  presentiment,  he  felt  the 
danger  threatening,  and  expressed  himself  freely 
to  Napoleon.  He  called  upon  him,  and  in  the 
strength  and  the  sincerity  of  his  convictions,  and 
the  despair  with  which  he  was  filled  by  the 
thought  of  the  contemplated  union,  he  ad- 
dressed him  in  the  second  person,  contrary  to 
the  custom  which,  since  his  cousin's  accession, 
he  had  adopted. 

"  You  cannot,"  said  he,  "  think  seriously  of 
marrying  Mile,  de  Montijo.  She  is,  I  know,  a 
beautiful  woman,  capable  of  inspiring  a  violent 
passion.  Love  her,  if  you  will,  but  do  not 
marry  her,  do  not  make  her  Empress.  What 
will  the  nation  say  .■•  What  will  all  Europe 
say  .-•  Your  own  unhappiness  and  that  of 
France  will  result  from  this  union.  I  implore 
you  to  break  the  engagement.  You  are  fasci- 
nated by  Mile,  de  Montijo.  That  is  natural,  for 
she  is  a  creature  to  charm  a  king.  Make  her 
your  mistress,  pay  dearly  as  you  will  for  this 
folly,  but  let  the  romance  end  here." 

The  Emperor  took  no  more  notice  of  his 
cousin's  warning  than  he  did  of  that  of  his 
many  friends,  who  also  saw  in  his  marriage 
with  Mile,  de  Montijo  an  act  which  must  occa- 
sion both  domestic  sorrow  to  the  Emperor,  and 
political  trouble   to  the   state.     He    smiled    at 


96  N/IPOLEON  III. 

the  Prince's  remonstrances  as  he  had  done  at 
those  of  others.  Touched  by  the  magic  wand 
of  a  fairy,  of  a  wicked  fairy  who  brought  bad 
luck  to  all  whom  she  visited,  he  yielded  to  its 
enchantment,  and  was  both  incapable  and  un- 
willing to  escape. 

Mile,  de  Montijo,  having  become  Empress, 
had  not  sufficient  nobility  of  character  to  forget 
the  Prince's  former  opposition,  and  she  enter- 
tained for  him  an  hatred  which  neither  the  fall 
of  the  Empire,  nor  exile,  nor  even  the  death  of 
her  husband  and  child,  served  to  appease. 

Though  this  hatred  had  a  fatal  influence  upon 
the  future  of  the  imperial  dynasty ;  though  we 
feel  it  to  lie  at  the  root  of  many  disasters  in  the 
reign  of  Napoleon  III.  ;  though  it  drew  wrath 
upon  his  coffin,  and  lied  concerning  the  misera- 
ble and  mutilated  remains  of  the  Prince  Im- 
perial, can  we,  I  ask,  even  in  the  face  of  all 
this,  blame  her  too  mercilessly  for  the  feeling } 
Is  it  just  to  blame  Mile,  de  Montijo  for  becom- 
ing Empress  of  France,  for  having  been  beauti- 
ful, for  having  known  how  to  master  men's 
hearts,  and  also  how,  under  the  enchantment  of 
her  smiles  —  which  were  like  those  beautiful 
flowers  in  which  is  hidden  a  subtle  and  deadly 
poison  —  to  watch  unmoved  the  failure  of  their 
joys  and  their  hopes  .'' 


PRINCE  NAPOLEON.  97 

That  fictitious  story  whose  truth  some  have 
sought  to  establish,  and  which  claims  that 
Prince  Napoleon  persecuted  the  Empress,  is 
based  upon  several  assertions  which  it  is  ne- 
cessary to  mention  here  and  to  disprove. 

Prince  Napoleon,  this  story  says,  hoped  that 
the  Emperor  would  never  marry,  and  that  his 
own  inheritance,  there  being  no  direct  heir, 
would  be  thus  assured.  This  secret  hope 
blasted,  he  vowed  fierce  resentment  against  the 
Empress.  One  evening,  it  is  further  said,  at 
a  dinner  given  in  honour  of  the  Empress  at 
Compi^gne,  he  gave  way  in  public  to  a  sudden 
manifestation  of  this  resentment,  and  when 
Napoleon  III.  asked  him  to  offer  the  first  toast 
to  her,  he  bluntly  refused  to  do  so. 

No  statements  could  be  more  false  than 
these.  When  Prince  Napoleon  opposed  the 
Emperor's  marriage  with  Mile,  de  Montijo,  it 
was  purely  with  the  feeling  that  an  affair  of 
sentiment  like  this  attachment  should  take  into 
consideration  the  social  rank  of  the  woman 
who  inspired  it,  and  find  some  other  conclusion 
than  that  of  an  official  marriage.  He  urged 
that  the  Emperor  of  the  French  could  make 
many  alliances  in  Europe,  even  in  France,  more 
worthy  than  that  with  a  woman  whose  reputa- 
tion was  somewhat  compromised,  whose  beauty 


98  NAPOLEON  III. 

had  been  paraded  on  every  side,  and  had  ren- 
dered her  a  too  notorious  character. 

That  the  anecdote  concerning  the  toast  is 
purely  fictitious,  is  proved  by  a  letter  which  I 
have  received  upon  this  subject  from  one  of  the 
most  influential  and  most  respected  members  of 
the  Court  of  the  Tuileries.  This  same  letter 
denies  the  assertion  that  the  Prince  had  soli- 
cited for  himself  the  hand  of  Mile,  de  Montijo. 

"  It  is  not  true,"  writes  the  authority  whom  I  quote, 
"  it  is  not  true  that  Prince  Napoleon  ever  declined  to 
drink  the  health  of  the  Empress  on  the  occasion  of  her 
birthday  celebrations.  It  cannot  be  denied  that  he  often 
failed  to  conceal  his  sentiments,  for  he  was  frank  and 
open-hearted  by  nature,  hated  dissimulation,  and  was 
unable  to  hide  his  true  feelings.  He  knew,  and  the  fact 
caused  him  pain,  that,  with  the  exception  of  the  Emperor 
and  of  two  or  three  friends,  every  one  at  the  Tuileries 
hated  him,  and  that  his  every  word  and  gesture  were  mis- 
interpreted. We  can  hardly  blame  him  for  not  enjoying 
these  surroundings.  The  Emperor  was  annoyed  by  all 
the  idle  gossip  circulated  about  his  cousin,  but  was 
powerless  to  prevent  it.  His  own  affection  for  the 
Prince  was  criticised  at  court  and  made  the  subject  of 
foolish  ridicule. 

"  The  story  that  the  Prince  had  himself  wished  to 
marry  Mile,  de  Montijo,  is  absurd  and  unworthy  of 
consideration.  Such  an  idea  was  never  entertained  at 
court ;  and  if  the  Prince  was  at  one  time  fascinated, 
like  so  many  others,  by  the  beauty  of  Mile,  de   Mon- 


PRINCE  NAPOLEON.  99 

tijo,  he  was  certainly  never  in  love  with  her,  and  still 
less  dreamed  for  a  moment  of  marrying  her. 

"  The  Empress,  aside  from  any  personal  dislike,  hated 
the  Prince,  because  she  recognized  in  him  a  superior 
mind,  and  feared  his  influence  upon  the  Emperor. 

"After  the  death  of  Napoleon  III.  she  rejected  the 
Prince  as  tutor  to  her  son  and  as  director  of  his  educa- 
tion. Had  she,  however,  retained  him,  I  cannot  doubt 
that  he  would  have  proved  a  faithful  adviser,  and  would 
have  mitigated,  in  some  degree,  the  sorrow  which  over- 
came her.  When  Prince  Napoleon  was  suggested  to  the 
Empress  as  director  of  her  son's  studies,  she  replied  that 
he  would  bring  misfortune  to  the  poor  child.  Was  it 
not,  alas,  rather  by  her  persistence  in  an  implacable 
hatred,  that  misfortune  was  brought  upon  the  Prince? 
Was  it  not  this  which,  in  truth,  ruined  the  future  of 
the  imperial  dynasty.'"' 

Events  prove  the  accuracy  of  these  asser- 
tions, whose  author  was,  I  repeat,  one  of  the 
most  important  personages  at  the  court  of  the 
Tuileries,  one  of  the  most  devoted  friends  of 
the  Emperor ;  during  the  whole  course  of  the 
imperial  reign,  he  watched  hour  by  hour  the 
wearying  annoyances  with  which  the  incessant 
bickerings  of  the  Empress  poisoned  the  sover- 
eign's life. 

It  was  at  the  express  wish  of  the  Empress 
that,  after  the  death  of  Napoleon  III.,  the 
Prince  was  dismissed  from  the  royal  family. 
After  the  death  of  her  son,  the  Empress,  with 


lOO  NAPOLEON  III. 

a  discourtesy  hardly  in  keeping  with  that  sol- 
emn moment,  requested  him  to  leave  Chisel- 
hurst  immediately  after  the  funeral  solemnities. 
He  wished  to  express  his  sympathy  for  the 
Empress,  but  was  refused  admittance  to  the 
presence  of  the  lonely  woman.  He  realized 
then,  how,  even  in  the  presence  of  her  dead 
son,  this  mother  could  not  forget  her  petty 
bitterness  and  resentment,  and  he  left  her  in- 
hospitable roof.  He  understood  also  the  plot 
which  was  being  formed  even  at  the  grave  of 
his  cousin,  by  which  he  should  be  deprived 
of  his  indisputable  claim  as  the  head  of  the 
dynasty,  and  he  then  and  there  relinquished 
his  title  to  the  succession, 

"  I  have  no  place  at  the  Tuileries,"  he  said  to 
those  who  were  surprised  at  his  sudden  depart- 
ure, "and  I  have  no  duties  to  fulfil  here." 

I  well  remember,  one  day  at  Versailles,  at  a 
time  when  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  held  its 
sessions  there,  when  Prince  Napoleon,  repre- 
senting the  people,  appeared  in  the  tribune  at  a 
moment  when  there  was  a  debate  on  the  ques- 
tion of  public  worship ;  in  an  allusion  to  the 
Emperor's  policy  toward  Rome,  he  cried,  point- 
ing toward  the  Empress,  that  if  it  were  per- 
mitted him  to  speak  and  to  divulge  the  secrets 
of  the  late  Emperor's  reign,  he  would  satisfy 


PRINCE  NAPOLEON.  lOI 

Parliament  as  to  the  cause  of  the  pohcy  which 
he  had  pursued,  and  give  it  an  idea  of  the  fatal 
and  the  pernicious  influence  exercised  by  the 
Empress  upon  the  councils  of  Napoleon  III. 

It  may  be  that  Prince  Napoleon  was  on  this 
day  overcome  by  a  natural  resentment  for  that 
hatred  of  which,  for  so  many  years,  he  had  been 
the  victim,  and  gave  way,  therefore,  in  that  mo- 
ment to  a  desire  for  revenge  which  he  found  in 
accusing,  for  the  first  time  in  his  life,  the  Em- 
press Eugenie  of  all  those  evils  which  fell  to 
the  lot  of  France  and  of  Napoleon  III.  I  am 
ignorant  as  to  whether,  among  the  papers  be- 
queathed to  his  heirs,  there  were  documents 
in  which  the  accusations  as  yet  but  hinted  at 
were  definitely  set  forth,  and  which  should 
serve  to  exonerate  him  in  the  judgment  of  the 
future.  Were  there  such  papers,  his  heirs 
doubtless  made  haste  to  destroy  them.  He  is 
dead,  but  in  death  itself  the  hatred  of  the  Em- 
press pursued  him  ;  she  won  from  him  his  own 
son,  he  who  might  have  filled  with  sweetness 
the  last  hours  of  the  dying  man  —  in  whom, 
too,  was  the  chance  of  political  restoration. 

Prince  Napoleon  had  the  mask  of  the  Caesars  ; 
we  may,  indeed,  despite  the  many  errors  of  his 
life,  attribute  to  him  many  of  their  moral  and 
intellectual  qualities.     Tall  and  large,  with  the 


^t 


102  NAPOLEON  III. 

figure  of  an  athlete,  he  was  wont  to  walk  through 
the  streets  with  a  certain  solemnity  of  manner 
which  made  him  appear  a  stranger  to  all  his  sur- 
roundings. To  see  him  pass  thus  with  his  head, 
which  was  shaped  like  that  of  a  Roman  empe- 
ror, slightly  bowed,  conjured  up  a  vision  of  one 
of  those  patricians  who,  at  the  time  of  circuses 
and  of  heathen  rites,  wandered  through  the  an- 
cient city  enveloped  in  a  flowing  peplum  fringed 
with  royal  purple. 

His  character  is  more  difficult  to  describe 
than  is  his  appearance.  Though  his  judgment 
was  both  keen  and  accurate,  a  kind  of  nervous- 
ness and  a  certain  lack  of  balance  led  him  to 
commit  many  errors  fatal  to  his  reputation  and 
to  the  fulfilment  of  his  own  wishes.  Demo- 
crat and  autocrat  at  once,  he  at  one  moment 
aspired  toward  an  universal  freedom,  and  at 
the  next  showed  himself  absolute  in  authority. 
Such  inconsistencies  as  these  rendered  him 
often  incomprehensible  to  his  most  intimate 
friends,  and,  if  I  may  use  a  simile,  placed  him 
in  the  position  of  a  navigator  driven  between 
two  seas,  the  one  calm,  the  other  tempestuous, 
but  prevented  by  some  evil  fate  from  embark- 
ing upon  either. 

The  same  inconsistencies  were  apparent  in 
his    domestic    life.      This    professed    democrat 


PRINCE  NAPOLEON.  IO3 

entertained  his  visitors  with  all  the  dignity 
which  his  social  rank  justified ;  he  established 
in  his  home  a  most  severe  etiquette,  so  that  it 
was  said  in  the  royal  household  that  the  court 
atmosphere  was  far  stronger  at  the  Palais-Royal 
than  at  the  Tuileries. 

Prince  Napoleon  had  many  and  great  faults, 
but  he  possessed  in  equal  measure  qualities 
which  made  him  one  of  the  most  remarkable 
men  of  the  century. 

A  brilliant  conversationalist,  he  loved,  as  did 
the  Emperor,  to  provoke  opposition  and  to  seek 
argument  for  the  simple  joy  of  displaying  his 
powers,  that  he  might,  by  a  sort  of  coquetry, 
by  almost  feminine  artifice,  triumph  over  the 
arguments  of  an  adversary,  and  leave  him  a 
thorough  convert  to  his  own  views.  For  some 
inexplicable  reason,  that  grace  and  charm  which 
distinguished  the  prince  in  his  more  intimate 
relations  were  lost  entirely  when  he  appeared 
in  public.  There  was  in  his  bearing  at  such 
times  an  unconcealed  scorn  for  all  those  who 
were  about  him  ;  he  would,  by  his  unpleasant 
manner  on  such  occasions,  make  enemies  of  his 
former  converts. 

His  contempt  for  politicians,  with  whom  he 
was  necessarily  thrown  in  close  contact,  and  for 
the  masses,  whose  cause  he  publicly  advocated, 


I04  NAPOLEON  III. 

was  genuine  and  ingrained ;  it  was  the  occasion 
of  many  misfortunes,  which  saddened  his  hfe, 
and  filled  his  days  with  controversy  and  with 
disappointed  hopes.  His  thoughts,  always  far 
loftier  than  his  conduct,  and  adverse  to  many 
acts  which  through  a  fatal  tactlessness  he  com- 
mitted, dwelt  among  high  ideals  —  ideals  which 
remind  one  of  those  which  filled  the  mind  of 
Napoleon  I. 

A  certain  uncompromising  and  almost  dis- 
courteous manner,  either  natural  or  assumed, 
kept  at  a  distance  those  who,  though  not  parti- 
sans of  his  policy,  would,  nevertheless,  have 
gladly  pleaded  his  cause  with  the  Emperor  at 
a  time  when  calumny  sought  to  undermine  the 
affection  existing  between  the  cousins.  The 
prince  was  never  consciously  unkind  ;  his  heart 
rebelled  with  childlike  simplicity  against  all 
that  is  morbid,  deceitful,  and  bitter  in  life,  and 
he  regretted  the  evil  he  had  done,  and  the  ridi- 
cule and  insult  which  he  had  heaped  on  others. 
If  a  friend  pointed  out  to  him  the  tactlessness 
or  the  injustice  of  his  conduct,  he  listened  with 
interest  to  his  remonstrances,  confessed  his 
mistakes,  which  he  immediately  hastened,  with 
no  false  pride  in  his  heart  and  no  ostentation  or 
princely  condescension  in  his  manner,  to  repair. 

There  is  an  anecdote  which  illustrates  admir- 


PRINCE  NAPOLEON.  10$ 

ably  his  true  kindliness,  a  kindliness  which  the 
prince  would  have  taken  pleasure  in  constantly 
exercising,  but  which  was  often  concealed  by 
the  force  of  circumstances. 

One  day  at  Compi^gne,  M.  Billault,  a  minister 
without  a  portfolio,  who,  with  MM.  Rouher  and 
Magne,  had  been  appointed  by  the  Emperor  to 
defend  the  policy  of  the  Tuileries  before  the 
Chambers,  M.  Billault,  I  say,  happened  to  pass 
the  Prince,  who  was  talking  at  that  moment 
with  a  friend,  and  bowed  deferentially.  It  is 
well  known  that  M.  Billault  was  a  frequent  vis- 
itor at  the  Palais-Royal,  and  there  is,  indeed, 
a  story  which  assigns  to  the  strong  affection 
which  the  old  King  Jerome  always  entertained 
for  him  very  natural  reasons.  M.  Billault, 
therefore,  having  made  his  obeisance  to  the 
Prince,  the  latter  looked  at  him  blankly,  and 
did  not  return  his  salutation. 

The  lady  with  whom  he  was  talking  could 
not  conceal  her  surprise,  and  asked  Prince 
Napoleon  frankly  the  cause  of  his  action, 
which,  insignificant  as  it  seemed,  might  yet 
occasion  serious  trouble. 

"  Did  you  not  see,  Monseigneur,"  she  asked, 
"that  M.  Billault  bowed  to  you.?" 

"  I  saw,  certainly,  that  M.  Billault  bowed  to 
me,"   was   the    reply;   "but    I    prefer  that  no 


I06  NAPOLEON  III. 

friendly  relations  shall  exist  between  us,  and 
no  courtesies  be  exchanged," 

"  Do  you  forget,  then,  Monseigneur,  that  M. 
Billault  is  a  true  friend  to  you,  that  he  is  a 
man  of  rare  gifts,  and  was  much  loved  by  your 
father  ? " 

"According  to  my  convenience,  I  forget 
everything  or  nothing.  Billault  made  yester- 
day such  a  weak  speech  in  the  Chamber,  a 
speech  so  flat  and  pithless"  —  it  had  concerned 
the  question  of  Rome,  a  subject  which  always 
excited  the  prince  to  much  vehemence — "so 
flat  and  pithless,  I  say,  that  I  place  no  more  con- 
fidence in  the  man.  I  will  have  no  friend  whose 
political  views  are  controlled  by  the  Empress." 

"Ah,  Monseigneur,"  replied  the  woman, 
"you  are  unjust.  We  must  admit  that  M.  Bil- 
lault spoke  as  he  did  yesterday  to  please  the 
Empress,  and  is  somewhat  too  ready  to  conform 
to  her  wishes ;  but  he  loves  you,  notwithstand- 
ing this,  and  you  should  realise  that  he  who  is 
chosen  by  the  Tuileries  as  one  of  their  first 
instruments  in  this  Roman  question,  could  not 
have  spoken  differently.  Can  a  musician  in  an 
orchestra  play  other  than  the  notes  belonging 
to  his  score  .'*  Lay  aside  your  resentment,  then, 
and  give  him  your  hand.  He  will  be  touched 
by  your  apology,  and  will  feel  more  than  ever 


PRINCE  NAPOLEON.  lO/ 

cordially  toward  you.  You  have  not  so  many 
friends,  Monseigneur,  that  you  can  afford  to 
nes:lect  those  who  are  brave  and  faithful." 

The  Prince  listened  attentively  to  these 
words,  remained  pensive  a  moment,  then  rose, 
his  face  wearing  an  expression  of  great  sadness. 

"  You  are  right,"  he  said ;  "Billault  is  not  his 
own  master,  and  I  owe  him  an  apology." 

With  that  gracious  cordiality,  therefore,  by 
which  his  manner  was  at  times  distinguished, 
he  went  in  search  of  the  minister,  and  expressed 
to  him  his  regret  for  the  recent  evidence  of  ill- 
humour  which  he  had  given. 

This  anecdote  shows  how  ready  was  Prince 
Napoleon  to  obey  the  impulse  of  the  moment, 
and  it  also  gives  us  insight  into  the  causes  of 
the  imperial  policy  toward  the  great  Roman 
question ;  it  throws  light  upon  those  secret 
agencies  which  kept  this  problem  in  a  state  of 
continual  danger  and  conflict.  The  woman 
whose  argument  with  the  Prince  we  have  this 
moment  quoted,  was  thoroughly  conversant 
with  affairs  of  state,  and  was  among  those 
who  exercised  the  strongest  influence  upon  the 
Second  Empire. 

I  have  already  stated  that  the  Emperor  and 
Prince  Napoleon  felt  a  strong  attachment  for 


I08  NAPOLEON  III. 

each  other,  and  that  all  the  stories  are  false 
which  represent  these  men  as  bitter  enemies, 
as  rivals  ready  at  any  moment  to  fall  upon  and 
to  harm  each  other.  Prince  Napoleon  had  con- 
stantly to  undergo,  during  his  cousin's  reign, 
the  hatred  of  the  Empress,  which  hatred  inevi- 
tably called  forth  the  ill-will  and  the  prejudice  of 
her  courtiers.  Had  the  Emperor  possessed  the 
courage  or  the  power  to  interpose  between  the 
Prince  and  his  enemies  he  would  have  found  in 
this  man  an  useful  instrument ;  he  might  have 
put  a  restraint  on  his  many  unwise  actions,  and 
made  use  of  his  gifts  for  the  imperial  cause  ;  a 
political  understanding  between  these  two  men, 
an  harmony  of  purpose  which  the  public  should 
have  recognised  and  respected,  would  have  given 
the  government  a  firm  foundation  and  have  in- 
sured the  future  of  the  imperial  policy.  The 
most  serious  charge  brought  against  the  Prince 
was  that  in  his  speeches  he  openly  and  sys- 
tematically opposed  the  Emperor's  projects. 
There  is,  however,  a  curious  fact  relating  to 
these  speeches  of  which  it  is  well  to  remind 
the  reader. 

Prince  Napoleon  —  I  am  in  a  position  to 
verify  this  statement  —  never  expressed  an 
opinion  officially  without  first  submitting  his 
remarks  to  the  Emperor  for  examination    and 


PRINCE  NAPOLEON.  109 

for  approval.  Previous  to  his  speaking  in  pub- 
lic, the  Prince  invariably  gave  the  Emperor  a 
written  version  of  his  address,  which  the  Em- 
peror promptly  returned  him.  If  he  found 
therein  the  expression  of  some  sentiment  op- 
posed to  his  own.  Napoleon  III.  simply  sug- 
gested that  a  little  revision  here  and  there 
would  be  advisable.  Such  suggestions  were, 
however,  never  given  as  a  command,  nor  did  he 
ever  condemn  any  part  as  evil  or  dangerous. 

The  Prince  always  deferred  to  the  Emperor's 
wish,  and  revised  his  manuscript  in  a  way  to 
satisfy  him.  It,  however,  sometimes  chanced 
that  at  the  time  of  delivery  he  would  astonish 
his  cousin  by  an  unexpected  violence,  and  by 
spontaneous  outbursts  quite  foreign  to  the  text 
which  they  had  prepared  together.  The  ex- 
planation and  the  excuse  for  this  lie  in  the 
fact  that  between  the  time  of  his  conversation 
with  the  Emperor  and  that  when  he  delivered 
his  speech  —  this  is  a  fact  to  be  noted  and 
borne  in  mind  —  that  in  the  meantime,  I  say, 
intrigues,  scandals,  annoyances  of  every  kind, 
had  been  instigated  by  the  Empress  ;  there 
was  a  foolish  and  profitless  delight  taken  in 
provoking  his  excitable  and  rebellious  nature ; 
he  was  persecuted  despite  his  submission  to  the 
wishes  of  the  Emperor ;  despite  his  own  meek- 


no  NAPOLEON  III. 

ness  of  spirit,  was  persecuted  and  hunted  down 
like  a  goaded  beast  in  the  arena  which  longs  for 
the  undisturbed  peace  of  his  own  lair. 

The  indignation  of  the  ministry  and  of  the 
entire  court  at  the  time  when  Prince  Napoleon 
delivered  his  famous  speech  in  Corsica  will  be 
remembered.  This  very  speech,  strange  as  it 
may  seem,  this  speech  which  called  forth  such 
bitter  criticism  in  the  Moniteur,  and  was 
sought  by  some  as  a  pretext  for  exiling  the 
Prince,  had  been  read  by  the  Emperor,  and 
returned  by  him  to  his  cousin  without  modifi- 
cation, without  comment. 

"Their  purpose  is,"  said  Napoleon  III.  to 
one  of  his  most  intimate,  one  of  his  most 
dearly  loved  friends,  "  their  purpose  is  to  in- 
fluence me  against  my  cousin,  that  I  may  drive 
him  from  the  Tuileries,  and  add  one  more  indig- 
nity to  those  which  are  now  heaped  upon  him ; 
that  I  may  close  alike  my  heart  and  my  home 
against  him.  I  will  never  accede  to  these 
wishes.  I  will  never  look  upon  the  Prince  as 
an  enemy.  When  not  in  my  presence  he 
seems  to  disapprove  of  my  actions  ;  but  when 
with  me  he  is  all  that  he  should  be.  He  is  my 
friend,  and  there  is  no  hypocrisy  in  this  atti- 
tude ;  he  is  alike  sincere  when  he  expresses  an 
attachment  for  me,  and  when,  driven  to  revolt 


PRINCE  NAPOLEON.  Ill 

by  the  bitter  hatred  which  pursues  him,  by  the 
contempt  of  which  he  is  a  victim,  he  rises  in 
arms,  it  is  not  against  me  personally,  but  against 
the  men  and  also  the  women  who  surround  me. 
I  forgive  his  resentment ;  in  his  place  I  do  not 
know  how  I  should  act.  When  humanity  at- 
tempts indifference  to  abuse  and  to  insult,  it 
finds  itself  confronted  by  a  force  which  it  is 
powerless  to  overcome.  At  heart  Napoleon 
loves  me,  and  I  require  from  him  nothing  more 
than  this.  Why  should  I,  by  withdrawing  my 
sympathy,  add  another  cause  of  bitterness  to 
the  many  which  he  already  has } " 

The  Emperor  took  comfort  in  feeling  that 
the  Prince  was  no  hypocrite,  and  his  judgment 
of  him  in  this  respect  was  certainly  right. 
Prince  Napoleon  scorned  deceit,  was  loyal  in 
all  the  relations  of  life,  was  open  with  his  adver- 
saries, faced  obstacles  bravely,  though  at  the 
risk  of  doing  himself  harm,  and  despised  sub- 
terfuge and  compromise.  In  these  virtues  is 
power  sufficient  to  influence  the  destiny  of 
a  nation. 

The  Prince  was,  however,  neither  popular  at 
court  nor  in  the  world  of  politics,  nor  yet  with 
the  masses.  Whatever  the  gifts  and  the  intel- 
ligence of  a  man  may  be,  of  however  honest 
a  nature  he  is,  he  cannot  counteract  the  influ- 


112  NAPOLEON  III. 

ence  of  slander,  nor  hope  to  extricate  himself 
from  the  meshes  which  calumny  weaves  round 
him.  Notwithstanding  his  strong  moral  and 
intellectual  force,  Prince  Napoleon  thus  became 
the  victim  of  falsehood. 

He  understood  the  theory  of  government,  but 
the  law-makers  would  have  nothing  to  do  with 
him ;  he  toiled  for  the  people  whose  interests 
he  had  at  heart,  and,  in  return,  was  ridiculed  by 
them.  He  was  more  of  a  prince,  more  of  an 
aristocrat,  than  are  many  princes  and  aristo- 
crats, yet  he  was  despised  by  the  upper  classes. 
He  was  a  democrat,  but  the  democrats  never 
gave  him  their  confidence ;  in  short,  he  was 
opposed,  envied,  feared  —  feared  in  the  face  of 
raillery  and  scorn,  because  none  could  fail  to 
recognise  his  intellectual  superiority,  and  was 
like  the  abortive  progeny  of  a  gigantic  dream, 
a  dream  of  the  Caesars,  upon  whom  a  wicked 
spirit  has  cast  the  evil  eye. 

Prince  Napoleon's  7vle  in  the  Second  Empire 
was  that  of  a  malcontent,  of  a  fault-finder,  and 
almost  of  a  factionist.  Yet  he  not  only  loved 
the  Emperor  and  was  loved  by  him,  but  held 
views  on  many  questions  which  were  in  har- 
mony with  his.  His  liberalism,  even  his  rad- 
icahsm,    were    not    incompatible    with    those 


PRINCE  NAPOLEON.  II3 

vague  socialistic  dreams  which  haunted  the 
sovereign's  mind,  while  his  theories  of  na- 
tional unity  were  peculiarly  satisfying  to  the 
Emperor's  ideals.  The  consolidation  of  Ger- 
many was  not  at  all  alarming  to  the  Prince  ;  but 
he  would  have  wished  it  accomplished  by  an 
understanding  with  France,  and  he  was  among 
those  who  most  regretted  the  failure  of  M.  Bis- 
marck's mission  when  that  statesman  went  to 
Biarritz,  hoping  to  win  the  co-operation  of  the 
Tuileries  in  the  fulfilment  of  his  political 
schemes. 

The  Prince's  feelings  of  sympathy  and  of 
accord  with  the  Emperor  were,  alas,  often  con- 
cealed by  the  ill-temper,  the  irritability,  excited 
in  him  by  the  annoyances  which  he  was  called 
upon  to  endure  at  court,  and  also,  we  must 
admit,  by  his  temperament,  somewhat  like  that 
of  a  spoiled  child,  and  by  his  tendency  to  com- 
mit indiscretions,  repeated  time  after  time.  A 
strange  fatality  prevented  his  availing  himself 
of  his  opportunities,  and  forced  him  to  speak 
when  he  should  have  been  silent,  and  to  be 
silent  when  he  should  have  spoken.  It  was, 
however,  more  especially  the  attitude  of  hos- 
tility which  the  Prince  always  assumed  outside 
the  Tuileries,  and  when  surrounded  by  the 
splendour  of  the  Palais-Royal,  which  served  to 


114  NAPOLEON  III. 

belie  his  real  feelings  of  accord  ;  the  political 
counsellors  whom  he  chose,  and  the  friends  with 
whom  he  surrounded  himself  during  hours  of 
recreation,  contributed  also  to  the  same  end. 

His  court — for  the  Prince  held  a  court  of 
his  own  —  was  made  up  of  men  opposed  to  the 
Empire;  this  assembly  of  politicians,  of  jour- 
nalists, and  writers,  who  were  all  enemies  of  the 
Tuileries,  furnished  the  Empress  daily  with  a 
plausible  pretext  for  making  both  the  official 
and  the  domestic  life  of  the  palace  unendurable 
to  her  cousin. 

The  Emperor  himself  never  seriously  feared 
the  friends  whom  Prince  Napoleon  chose. 

"  No,  no,"  he  was  wont  to  say,  when  these 
men  were  represented  to  him  as  dangerous, 
"no,  no;  they  are  but  an  herd  of  neglected 
sheep,  which  need  a  little  care ;  a  few  good 
seats  in  the  Senate  will  make  that  right." 

It  must  not  be  thought  that  Prince  Napoleon, 
in  gathering  about  him  men  of  this  nature,  had 
any  desire  to  make  a  display,  or  to  fill  the  role 
of  Dauphin  in  partibus ;  nor  did  he  seek,  in  an 
interested  and  forced  allegiance,  to  gratify  any 
feeling  of  vanity  or  of  false  pride ;  he  even 
failed  to  see  in  it  an  opportunity  of  increasing 
fortune,  or  of  facilitating  an  opposition  to  his 
cousin's  government.     He  had,  on  the  contrary, 


PRINCE  NAPOLEON.  II  5 

a  horror  of  courtiers  and  of  money  transac- 
tions. One  anecdote  will  illustrate  his  strong 
sense  of  honour  in  affairs  of  finance,  and  the 
fear  which  he  had  of  money  not  his  own. 

After  the  war  of  1870,  Prince  Napoleon 
expressed  a  wish  to  establish  a  paper  which 
should  support  his  views.  A  rich  friend  and 
enthusiastic  admirer,  approving  his  project  and 
appreciating  the  difficulty  in  the  way  of  its  ful- 
filment, —  Prince  Napoleon's  means  did  not  per- 
mit the  expenditure  necessary  to  such  a  scheme, 
—  consulted  with  him  on  the  subject,  and  of- 
fered to  lend  him,  unconditionally,  the  required 
sum,  with  freedom  to  return  the  amount  as 
should  be  convenient.  The  Prince,  delighted 
to  put  his  plan  into  immediate  execution,  ac- 
cepted directly  the  money  of  his  generous 
patron.  As  soon,  however,  as  he  came  into 
possession  of  the  desired  capital,  he  grew 
uneasy. 

"You  know  that   M.  X ,"   he  said  one 

day  to  a  friend    who  asked  the   cause  of  his 

anxiety,   "you   know  that   M.  X has  lent 

me  the  money  necessary  to  establish  the  paper 
of  which  I  have  long  dreamed.  It  is  this  gen- 
erous loan,  this  borrowed  capital,  which  worries 
me.  The  money  I  shall  use  is  not  mine  ;  it 
may,   of   course,    increase,   but  it   may,   on   the 


Il6  NAPOLEON  III. 

Other  hand,  be  lost.  As  I  should  not  be  able 
in  the  latter  case  to  return  what  was  given  me, 
surely  I  have  no  right  to  use  the  amount  at  all. 
This  money  troubles  me,  it  burns  my  fingers, 
I  cannot  keep  it.  I  feel  that  I  have  no  claim 
upon  it,  and  I  shall  return  the  loan  to-day.  If 
I  find  that  a  paper  is  absolutely  essential,  I  will 
sell  some  land  which  I  own  near  Prangins,  but 
it  shall  not  be  said  that  I  have  speculated  with 
the  fortune  of  another." 

The  Prince  acted  as  he  said  he  should  ;  he 

returned    the    money    to    M.    X ,    and    to 

establish  the  paper  sold  a  part  of  his  own 
property,  that  he  might  be  a  debtor  to  no  one. 

This  conduct  must  be  acknowledged  honour- 
able and  praiseworthy,  and  should  not  be  for- 
gotten in  our  estimate  of  Prince  Napoleon.  It 
gives  to  his  character,  which  is  the  object  of 
much  controversy  and  much  persecution,  an 
element  of  loftiness  demanding  our  esteem.  I 
know  that  the  public  will  never  appreciate  the 
chivalrous  nature  of  Prince  Napoleon,  —  that 
public  which  finds  little  interest  in  simple  and 
unromantic  acts,  which  enjoys  only  scandals 
and  the  apotheosis  of  the  successful  villain,  or 
the  awful  ruin  of  the  honest  man.  I  foresee 
the  astonishment  of  such  a  public  when  it  reads 
these  lines.     We  have  become  accustomed  to 


PRINCE  NAPOLEON.  11/ 

look  upon  the  Prince  as  upon  a  grotesque  fig- 
ure, around  which  are  grouped  ridiculous  and 
unpleasant  stories. 

Of  Prince  Napoleon  there  remains  in  our 
memories  to-day  only  that  absurd  nickname 
which  caricaturists  and  penny-a-liners  created, 
and  which  serves  to  call  forth  laughter  at  the 
very  suggestion  of  his  personality.  This  sobri- 
quet did  more  to  ruin  his  hopes  and  to  weaken 
his  authority  than  did  even  the  objectionable 
reputation  given  him  by  the  world  of  politics  ; 
he  was  constantly  before  the  public  in  the  char- 
acter of  a  tragic  actor  who  awakened  only 
amusement. 

Prince  Napoleon  is  represented  as  revelling 
in  low  orgies,  whereas  his  dinners,  at  which 
were  present  the  ^lite  among  writers  and 
artists,  had  the  charm  and  the  brilliancy  of 
social  gatherings  in  the  time  of  the  Renais- 
sance. He  is  represented  as  a  man  without 
ideals,  whereas  —  this  fact  cannot  be  too 
strongly  emphasised  —  whereas,  in  this  Sec- 
ond Empire,  which  had  no  sympathy  with 
culture  or  learning,  he  stands  forth  as  an 
enlightened  protector  of  arts  and  letters,  as  a 
lover  of  the  beautiful,  and  as  a  man  of  an  almost 
creative  mind.  His  mask  of  the  Caesars,  the 
mask  which  Nature  had  modelled  after  that  of 


Il8  NAPOLEON  III. 

Napoleon  I.,  should  have  impressed  the  people 
by  the  majesty  which  was  recognised  in  that  of 
his  uncle.  The  public,  however,  did  not  see 
this  mask ;  did  not  recognise  in  this  man  the 
risen  figure  of  him  who  was  the  Emperor — we 
write  the  title  without  epithet  —  it  made  this 
silhouette  of  the  Caesars  the  object  of  ridicule 
as  though  it  had  been  the  comic  apparition  of  a 
Chinese  ghost. 

The  war  of  1870  broke  out  while  Prince 
Napoleon  was  travelling  in  the  north  of  Europe, 
and  filled  him  with  despair.  As  soon  as  he 
knew  of  the  events  which  were  following  each 
other  with  appalling  rapidity,  he  returned  to  his 
own  country,  and  hastened  directly  to  Saint- 
Cloud,  where,  as  I  have  already  said,  the  Em- 
peror, the  Empress,  and  the  whole  court  had 
removed. 

When  the  Prince  presented  himself  before 
Napoleon  III.  there  followed  an  animated 
scene,  no  account  of  which  has  ever  been 
given,  and  of  which  I  am  about  to  speak. 

The  Prince,  carried  away  by  his  excitement, 
became  vehement  as  soon  as  he  entered  the 
Emperor's  presence. 

"We  have  declared  war,  have  we,"  he  cried, 
"  war,  for  which  we  are  totally  unprepared  !     In 


PRINCE  NAPOLEON.  I19 

what  condition  are  we  to  enter  on  a  campaign  ? 
This  is  a  war  against  a  powerful  nation,  one 
which  has  not  trusted  to  mere  chance ;  against 
a  nation,  I  say,  which  will  crush  us." 

"Yes,"  muttered  the  Emperor,  "this  will  be 
war  indeed." 

"  If  I  have  been  rightly  informed,"  continued 
the  Prince,  "  it  is  the  Empress  who  has  brought 
this  upon  us.  It  is  Eugenie  and  the  pernicious 
men  who  obey  her  who  have  involved  us  in  this 
trouble.  I  told  you  long  ago,  sire,  that  this 
woman  would  be  your  ruin  and  that  of  France. 
Your  reign  is  strewn  with  the  havoc  which  she 
has  wrought." 

The  Emperor  rose,  and  turning  ashy  pale, 
faced  the  Prince. 

"  Napoleon,"  he  exclaimed,  "  Napoleon  !  " 

"  Forgive  my  frankness,  but  do  you  not  see 
that  the  Empress  and  those  who  surround  her, 
those  whom  she  inspires  with  her  own  hatred 
of  your  government  and  with  her  desire  for  ab- 
solutism, —  do  you  not  see  that  these  are  filled 
with  joy  by  the  prospect  of  war,  and,  be  it  suc- 
cessful or  the  reverse,  hope  to  gain  from  it  the 
one  result,  the  end  of  your  present  policy,  and 
the  restoration  of  the  Empire  of  December 
Second  "i  " 

"Napoleon,"  said  the  Emperor  gently,  "your 


I20  NAPOLEON  III. 


words  are  rash  ;  your  presentiments,  which,  alas  ! 
perhaps  correspond  with  mine,  lead  you  to  speak 
more  strongly  than  you  feel.  You  are  unjust 
toward  Eugenie ;  she  has  faith  in  our  victory ;, 
let  us  believe  as  she  does  and  be  hopeful." 

The  Emperor  paused  for  a  moment,  then 
went  forward  and  took  the  Prince  by  the  hand. 

"What  does  it  avail,"  he  added,  "to  regret 
what  has  already  occurred }  War  has  been  de- 
clared, and  we  cannot  now  change  our  decision." 

"  So  be  it,"  returned  the  Prince,  "  so  be  it ! 
Let  us,  however,  make  haste  to  pack  our  pos- 
sessions, for  we  are  already  beaten." 

Having  thus  expressed  himself,  he  left  Napo- 
leon III.  alone  with  his  melancholy  thoughts. 

The  following  day  the  Prince  gave  an  account 

of  this  scene  to  the  Marchioness  de ,  and 

it  is  she  who  repeated  it  to  me. 

On  that  day  the  Prince  expressed  to  Mme. 

de almost  the  same  sentiments  which  he 

had  done  to  his  cousin. 

"We  are  lost,"  he  said.  "We  are  entering 
the  field  without  an  ally,  and  we  cannot  hope 
that  Italy  or  Austria  will  come  to  our  aid. 
Italy  is  not  prepared  to  do  so  ;  and  my  father- 
in-law,  Victor  Emmanuel,  could  not,  at  the  very 
earliest,  collect  his  troops  in  less  than  a  month 
or  two.     What  reason  have  we  to  suppose  that 


PRINCE  NAPOLEON.  121 

Austria  will  care  to  help  us  ?  Did  we  come  for- 
ward in  her  behalf  after  Sadovva  ?  Did  not 
Prince  Metternich  himself  tell  you  that  his 
nation  would  remain  a  simple  spectator  of  the 
struggle  about  to  take  place  ?  Oh,  the  Empress 
and  her  party  knew  well  how  to  bring  affairs 
to  the  desired  climax  !  One  fact,  however,  as- 
tonishes me ;  that  is,  that  Ollivier  should  have 
so  easily  fallen  into  the  trap  which  was  laid  for 
him.  Why  did  he,  who  is  so  patriotic,  so  wise, 
so  reserved,  allow  himself  to  be  ensnared  like  a 
fool  ?  You  may  be  sure  that  there  is  some 
snake-in-the-grass,  of  whom  we  shall  hear  later ; 
but,  however  that  may  be,  we  are  lost." 

There  is  a  certain  ambiguity,  perhaps,  result- 
ing from  the  accounts  which  I  have  given  of 
scenes  and  conversations  concerning  this  war 
problem.  In  a  subsequent  chapter,  called  "  The 
Declaration  of  War,"  I  will  explain  more  fully 
the  meaning  of  Prince  Napoleon's  words,  and 
will  speak  of  those  intrigues  organised  about  the 
Emperor,  for  the  purpose  of  creating  between 
him  and  the  King  of  Prussia  an  inevitable  cause 
of  hostilities,  and  of  making  all  reconciliation 
impossible  to  the  Cabinet  of  January  Second. 

After  the  fall  of  the  Empire  and  the  death  of 
Napoleon  III.,  and  during  the  short  life  of  the 


122  NAPOLEON  III. 

Prince  Imperial,  Prince  Napoleon  maintained  a 
strict  reserve  and  calmly  awaited  developments. 
Banished,  as  I  have  said,  from  both  the  domestic 
and  the  political  circle  at  Chiselhurst,  he  now 
devoted  himself  exclusively  —  though  without 
severing  the  ties  which  bound  him  to  his  de- 
voted friends  at  home  —  to  the  education  of  his 
son ;  he  travelled  back  and  forth  continually 
between  the  Boulevard  d'Antin,  where  he  lived 
in  Paris,  and  the  home  of  his  brother-in-law. 
King  Humbert  of  Italy. 

When,  after  the  death  of  the  Prince  Imperial, 
he  was  brought  to  realise  that  the  Empress's 
hatred  had  in  no  wise  abated,  and  that  intrigues 
were  still  formed  among  her  courtiers  and  in 
those  parts  of  France  which  were  obedient  to 
her,  by  which  he  should  be  excluded  from  the 
direction  of  all  that  concerned  the  Bonapartes  — 
when  he  realised  this,  I  say,  the  Prince  assumed 
an  offensive  attitude,  and  presented  himself  be- 
fore the  people  as  their  leader,  though  he  con- 
cealed under  absolute  submission  to  the  will  of 
the  people  his  real  hopes  and  claims. 

The  evil  fate,  which,  however,  pursued  him  in 
politics,  prevented  his  having  at  any  time  what 
could  be  truly  called  a  party,  a  firmly  estab- 
lished party,  that  is  strong  in  its  feeling  of 
unity    and    able    to   withstand   its   adversaries ; 


PRINCE  NAPOLEON.  1 23 

having,  therefore,  been  elected  deputy,  he  found 
himself  practically  isolated  in  Parliament. 

I  can  remember  him  at  this  time  when,  in  his 
loneliness,  he  seemed  like  some  wild  animal 
that  has  taken  refuge  in  an  obscure  place  to 
watch  for  the  desired  prey,  or,  not  finding  it,  to 
die.  He  sat  in  the  right  wing  of  the  Assem- 
bly, but  on  the  top  row  of  the  amphitheatre, 
near  a  doorway  leading  into  the  lobby.  He  was 
seldom  in  his  seat,  but  wandered  back  and  forth 
between  the  Assembly-room  and  the  lobbies, 
and  appeared  only  interested  in  the  more  vital 
questions  of  the  day. 

I  have  mentioned  elsewhere  a  discussion 
upon  religious  observances  in  which  he  took 
part.  It  was,  I  believe,  the  only  occasion  when 
he  spoke  in  Parliament,  and  his  attitude  on  that 
day  is  most  curious. 

When  he  mounted  the  tribune,  his  large, 
athletic  figure  seemed  almost  to  strike  awe  into 
the  Assembly ;  a  low  murmur  passed  round  the 
room,  but  was  soon  followed  by  cries  of  "  hear, 
hear!"  after  which  deep  silence  filled  the  hall. 

The  Prince,  apparently  unmoved  by  this  ques- 
tionable reception,  whose  meaning  might  be 
approval  or  insult,  addressed  himself  to  the 
deputies  in  language  of  familiarity  such  as  he 
would  have  used  in  talking  to  a  few  friends  in 


124  N/iPOLEON  III. 

a  drawing-room  ;  in  his  attitudes  even,  and 
in  his  gestures,  there  was  an  air  of  hail-fellow- 
well-met. 

His  thumbs  in  his  trousers-pockets,  his  other 
fingers  outside,  he  spoke  for  several  hours,  at- 
tacking vehemently  the  Catholic  party,  and 
upholding  the  rights  of  civil  society  against 
the  religious  world ;  he  called  forth  shouts  of 
applause  from  the  left  wing,  while  the  conserva- 
tives hissed  angrily.  Even  the  latter,  however, 
forgot  from  time  to  time  their  indignation  and 
listened  attentively,  secretly  admiring,  it  may 
be,  his  eloquence.  His  whole  discourse  was 
marked  by  rare  oratorical  beauty,  and  those 
who  were  fortunate  enough  to  hear  him  on 
that  day  can  but  acknowledge  and  admire  his 
great  gift. 

He  was  too  often  regardless  of  his  power  to 
charm,  and,  carried  away  by  enthusiasm  in  his 
subject,  became  violent.  Each  word  clearly 
enunciated,  the  accents  of  his  rich,  sonorous 
voice  fell  upon  the  ears  of  his  adversaries 
with  its  message  of  studied  and  faultless  logic. 
His  scornful  gestures,  the  shrug  of  his  broad 
shoulders,  told  now  little  weight  he  attached 
to  their  arguments  and  to  their  interruptions. 
When  he  had  finished  his  speech,  and,  having 
descended  from  the  tribune,  was  returning  to  his 


PRINCE  NAPOLEON.  1 25 

place  amidst  shouts  of  applause  from  the  repub- 
licans, he  was  suddenly  forced  to  pause  in  the 
semi-circle.  The  conservatives,  roused  to  indig- 
nation, had  risen  from  their  seats  with  loud 
exclamations,  and  were  advancing  toward  him 
with  threats  and  menaces. 

There  now  followed  such  a  scene  as  had 
never  before  been  witnessed,  and  which  will 
never  escape  my  memory. 

Against  this  human  avalanche  which  barred 
his  way,  Prince  Napoleon  took  his  stand  at  the 
foot  of  the  tribune,  squared  himself  and  waited 
the  attack ;  his  great  frame  trembled  with  fury, 
his  eyes  flamed,  his  nostrils  and  lips  quivered. 
Some  of  the  deputies  were  already  upon  him, 
doubling  their  fists  in  his  face  ;  he  was  being 
borne  from  his  position  by  the  on-pressing  mass, 
when,  with  a  great  shake  of  his  mighty  shoul- 
ders, he  stepped  forward,  and,  throwing  himself 
against  the  opposing  force,  made  an  opening 
in  the  ranks  of  the  enemy  and  in  two  or  three 
strides  gained  his  seat.  Resuming  his  place, 
he  then  crossed  his  arms  on  his  chest  from 
which  his  breath  came  like  the  blast  from  a 
blacksmith's  forge,  and  looked  scornfully  upon 
those  who  had  sought  to  insult  him  ;  he  smiled 
and  played  the  part  of  a  Caesar  indeed,  —  Ccesar 
imperator.      In    that    moment    he    showed    the 


126  NAPOLEON  III. 

representatives  of  the  nation  a  vision  of  the 
Prince  who  might  have  reigned  over  them  ;  of 
a  tribune  who,  having  himself  issued  from  the 
people,  might  have  laboured  in  behalf  of  the 
people,  had  they  but  given  him  their  affection. 

When  the  decrees  relative  to  religious  assem- 
blies were  signed,  Prince  Napoleon  was  no 
longer  deputy,  and  having  no  right  to  speak, 
came  out  in  a  famous  letter  approving  the  legal 
measures  about  to  be  taken  against  Catholic 
associations.  The  stir  and  controversy  excited 
by  this  letter  are  well  known. 

I  had  occasion  to  interview  the  Prince  at 
about  this  time,  and  was  received  by  him  in  the 
Boulevard  d'Antin.  My  mission  related  to  va- 
rious provincial  journals,  and  we  discussed  the 
question  together. 

The  Prince  wished  to  win  to  his  cause  certain 
organs  of  the  press  representing  the  depart- 
ments. I  told  him  frankly  that  the  letter 
which  he  had  just  written  made  any  such  co- 
operation impossible.  He  listened  attentively 
to  what  I  said,  and,  as  I  ceased  speaking,  rolled 
a  cigarette,  then  walked  up  and  down  the 
drawing-room  for  several  moments. 

"  Monsieur,"  he  said  at  last,  "  Monsieur,  the 
meaning  and  import  of  my  letter  have  been  seri- 
ously  misunderstood.      There   is   nothing  anti- 


PRINCE  NAPOLEON.  12/ 

religious  meant  by  it,  nothing  hostile  to 
freedom.  It  approves  and  demands  the  execu- 
tion of  laws  which  should  be  the  same  for  all 
citizens,  and  whose  enforcement  I  should  com- 
pel had  I  power  to  do  so.  You  say  that  the 
provincial  press,  the  moderate  press,  that  is, 
cannot,  after  this  declaration  signed  with  my 
name,  support  me.  Certain  papers  have,  in- 
deed, taken  a  well-defined  position,  and  the  fact 
has  given  me  pleasure ;  these  have  among 
their  readers  many  Bonapartists,  royalists,  and 
church-going  republicans,  and  if  these  journals 
should  praise  me,  if  they  should  venture  to  sug- 
gest that  I  am  not  a  great  patron  of  curates, 
they  would  not  be  believed ;  as  a  consequence, 
their  subscribers  would  go  elsewhere,  and  they 
would  be  ruined.  This  is  sad,  yet  were  I  to 
write  my  letter  once  more  I  should  still  express 
myself  as  I  have  done.  The  moderates,  never- 
theless, know  very  well  that  I  am  the  enemy  of 
all  persecution,  that  I  uphold  liberty  of  con- 
science and  the  Concordat.  They  are,  however, 
like  frogs  which  cry  out  for  a  king  ;  I  offer 
myself  in  this  capacity,  but  they  reject  me,  fear- 
ing that  I  may  devour  them.  It  is  not  I,  how- 
ever, who  shall  enjoy  this  tidbit.  Another  will 
arise  and  claim  it ;  then,  when  it  is  too  late,  the 
frogs  will  wish  for  me." 


128  NAPOLEON  III 

I  could  but  maintain  my  position,  and  con- 
sequently turned  the  conversation  into  other 
channels.  The  Prince,  who  was  in  a  conversa- 
tional mood,  spoke  of  affairs  and  of  men  of 
the  times.  There  was  one  little  sketch  which 
impressed  me  as  peculiarly  charming. 

"  Gambetta,"  said  the  Emperor,  "is  at  heart 
a  kind  fellow,  and  wishes  only  peace.  He  has 
not  the  cruelty  which  is  so  often  necessary  in 
politics.  He  is  a  sentimentalist,  as  all  fat  men 
are.  He  will  come  into  power,  he  will  be 
prime  minister ;  but  he  will  be  like  the  lion  in 
love ;  he  will  allow  his  claws  to  be  cut,  his 
fangs  to  be  removed.  Oh,  he  will  be  politic 
enough.  As  for  M.  Jules  Ferry,  he  is  a  differ- 
ent man.  M.  Jules  Ferry  has  a  temperament 
as  cold  as  that  of  the  surgeon  who,  unmoved  by 
the  cries  of  his  patient,  cuts  deeply  into  the 
flesh.  He  is  made  to  govern.  It  was  he  who 
created  Article  7,  and  prepared  the  decrees, 
nor  has  he  spoken  his  last  word.  Will  his  end 
be  triumph  or  ruin  ?  What  will  be  the  result 
of  his  final  message  .-'  I  do  not  know.  To 
whatever  extreme,  however,  he  may  be  led,  this 
man  will  certainly  never  allow  himself  to  be 
buried  alive.      He  is  a  lean,  fierce  bull." 

After  a  pause,  the  Prince  added  a  remark 
which  I  have  quoted  in  the  first  chapter  of 
"The  Court  of  Napoleon  HI." 


PRINCE  NAPOLEON.  1 29 

"  I  will  not  speak,"  said  he,  "  of  M.  de 
Cassagnac.  He  is  a  very  worthy  pontifical 
Zouave," 

One  of  Prince  Napoleon's  last  political  acts 
was  to  cover  the  walls  of  Paris  with  that  mani- 
festo which  cost  him  several  weeks  of  imprison- 
ment in  the  Conciergerie. 

When,  after  this  experience,  he  returned 
home,  he  was  greatly  disheartened,  and  for  a 
time  dropped  out  of  public  notice.  Then  his 
eldest  son.  Prince  Victor,  deserted  him,  and  by 
this  act  drew  forth,  in  behalf  of  Prince  Napo- 
leon, the  sympathy,  if  not  of  statesmen,  at 
least  of  all  fathers. 

An  accurate  account  of  the  scene  which  re- 
sulted in  a  final  rupture  between  him  and  his 
son  has  been  given  me  by  an  intimate  friend  of 
the  Prince,  and  I  repeat  it  here  just  as  it  was 
told  me. 

The  general  reasons  for  this  rupture  are 
known,  but  the  public  is  ignorant  of  many  dis- 
tressing details  in  connection  with  the  occur- 
rence. With  whom  in  this  affair  lies  the 
responsibility,  the  blame  .-'  With  the  father,  or 
with  the  son  .-' 

I  believe  that  both  were  victims  of  competi- 
tion, of  ambition,  and  of  ill-will,  strangely  out  of 
harmony  with  their  own  natures.     I  believe  that 


I30  NAPOLEON  III. 

this  father  and  son  were  alienated,  as  it  were, 
against  their  own  wills  and  by  the  mighty  force 
of  circumstances. 

Prince  Victor  had  been  appointed  by  the 
Prince  Imperial  as  successor  to  the  Empire; 
and  so  it  chanced  that,  some  time  after  the 
death  of  the  unhappy  boy,  the  Bonapartist  fac- 
tion divided  into  two  camps,  one  of  which 
rallied  round  Prince  Victor,  the  other  round 
Prince  Napoleon. 

M.  Jolibois  and  all  those  who  remained  of 
the  party  which,  during  the  Second  Empire, 
had  been  known  as  that  of  the  Empress,  rose 
in  arms.  M.  Jolibois  led  the  anti-Jeromist  fac- 
tion, and  aided  by  a  few  too-fervent  friends, 
succeeded  in  persuading  the  Prince  that,  in  the 
interest  of  the  cause  and  in  loyalty  to  the 
wishes  of  his  dead  friend,  he  ought  to  break 
with  his  father.  As  Prince  Victor  seemed 
adverse  to  such  an  act,  M.  Jolibois  and  his 
adherents  next  attempted  a  little  strategy  with 
Prince  Napoleon,  by  which  they  sought  to  bring 
about  an  abdication  in  favour  of  his  son.  It  is 
hardly  needful  to  state  the  reception  which  this 
proposal  met. 

The  conspirators  then  changed  their  tactics. 
They  returned  to  Prince  Victor,  and  declared 
that  under  no  circumstances  ought  he  to  remain 


PRINCE  NAPOLEON.  131 

under  his  father's  roof.  The  young  man  suf- 
fered still  a  few  qualms  of  conscience  ;  but  when 
finally  it  was  said  that  the  future  of  the  dynasty 
depended  upon  his  decision,  and  that  in  it,  too, 
lay  the  chance  of  a  speedy  restoration,  he  ac- 
ceded to  his  friends'  wishes  and  endorsed  their 
conduct. 

Prince  Napoleon  remained  for  some  time 
ignorant  of  these  circumstances,  but  at  last  a 
moment  came  when  his  son  could  no  longer 
conceal  his  plans.  After  breakfast  one  morn- 
ing, the  Prince  remarked  to  his  father  that  he 
had  resolved  to  live  henceforth  independently, 
and  must  ask  his  consent  to  a  separation. 
Prince  Napoleon  only  half  understood  his  son's 
words. 

"  I  have  no  opposition  to  make  to  such  a 
plan,"  he  said  ;  "  you  are  young,  and  I  perfectly 
understand  your  wishes,  and  even  approve  of 
them.  I  will  see  that  apartments  are  found  for 
you  quite  separate  from  mine." 

The  Prince  tossed  his  head, 

"Thank  you,  father,"  he  replied,  "but  that  is 
not  what  I  mean  by  being  free.  It  seems  to  me 
wise,  in  the  interest  of  my  cause,  that  we  should 
be  entirely  separated  ;  and  for  this  reason  I  have, 
I  confess,  already  rented  an  apartment.  ...  I 
have  need  to  be  alone,"  he  added ;  "  my  party 


132  NAPOLEON  III. 

demands  this  separation,  and  it  is  my  duty  to 
obey  my  friends'  wishes." 

Prince  Napoleon  could  hardly  believe  his 
ears. 

"  Your  party,"  he  cried,  "your  party  ;  of  what 
party  are  you  speaking.?  Our  cause  is  not  di- 
vided ;  my  party  is  also  yours.  What  is  the 
matter,"  he  added  in  a  fatherly  tone,  "are 
you  in  need  of  money .''  Are  you  wearied  by 
the  monotony  of  this  life  .-•  I  will  increase  your 
allowance,  I  will  leave  you  absolutely  free." 

The  young  prince  did  not,  however,  swerve. 

"  Thank  you,  father,"  he  protested  ;  "  but  it  is 
not  that  which  I  want.  Our  separation  is  all 
that  is  necessary." 

"Ah,  I  understand  now,"  exclaimed  Prince 
Napoleon  ;  "  I  understand  ;  there  are  those  who 
wish  to  make  us  enemies,  and  they  place  you  in 
a  position  opposed  to  mine,  in  the  position  of 
my  adversary.  This  conversation  has  been  re- 
quired of  you  by  certain  colleagues.  You  are 
doubtless  bribed  by  Jolibois.  Go,  sir ;  I  do  not 
seek  to  detain  you." 

Prince  Napoleon  rose,  and,  leaving  his  son, 
withdrew  to  his  own  room.  This  is  the  last 
hour  which  the  father  and  son  spent  together. 
Prince  Victor  was  henceforth  his  own  master 
and  the  leader  of  his  party. 


PRINCE  NAPOLEON.  I  33 

I  can  but  feel  it  well-nigh  impossible  that  he 
should  fill  his  father's  place,  who,  though  he  fell 
behind  in  the  race  after  power  and  was  guilty 
of  many  political  errors,  yet  remains  in  history 
one  of  the  most  remarkable  minds  of  our  day. 

The  exile  in  which  Prince  Napoleon  spent  the 
last  years  of  his  life  seems  to  have  wrapped 
his  memory  in  oblivion  ;  the  tomb  where  his 
remains  are  laid  conceals  his  very  name  from 
the  world.  Men  of  arts  and  letters  cannot, 
however,  forget  that  this  man  gave  them  his  de- 
voted interest  and  knew  how  to  appreciate  their 
works  intelligently.  Politicians  can  scarcely 
overlook  his  statesmanlike  qualities,  —  qualities 
which  sought  an  higher  plane  for  their  exercise 
than  that  of  the  small  quibbles  of  the  hour. 
Philosophers,  a  class  of  men  whose  companion- 
ship he  loved  and  sought  and  to  whose  message 
he  eagerly  listened,  would  indeed  be  ungrateful 
did  they  ignore  his  memory. 

Men  of  letters  should  remember,  too,  that 
Prince  Napoleon  was  himself  a  writer  of  some 
little  power.  His  book  entitled,  "  Napoleon 
and  his  Detractors,"  which  was  written  in  reply 
to  a  work  by  M.  Taine,  is  a  masterpiece.  That 
circle  of  gifted  minds,  of  whose  companionship 
he  was  so  fond  and  so  proud,  surely  owe  him 
respect  and  admiration. 


134  NAPOLEON  III. 

In  behalf  of  the  general  pubHc  —  that  pubUc 
whose  interest  was  chiefly  excited  by  his  final 
suffering  and  by  that  domestic  drama  which 
took  place  at  his  death-bed  —  I  allude  to  the 
moment  when  Prince  Victor  asked  his  father's 
blessing,  and  Prince  Napoleon,  already  a  dying 
man,  rose  on  his  pillows  and  cried,  "  Begone, 
begone  !  "  as  though  he  were  uttering  a  fearful 
anathema  —  in  behalf  of  this  public  to  whom 
Prince  Napoleon  has  always  appeared  in  the 
character  of  a  damned  spirit  pursued  by  aven- 
ging angels,  of  a  sinner  driven  without  the 
gates  of  Eden,  I  repeat  that  he  was  a  man 
gifted  with  all  the  qualities  necessary  to  a 
ruler,  but  became  the  plaything  of  an  evil  fate 
which  forbade  the  exercise  of  his  powers.  He 
was  like  the  heroes  of  fairy  tales,  to  whom  are 
given  every  good  gift,  but  who  are  made  im- 
potent to  use  these  gifts  by  the  mysterious  spell 
of  some  malicious  genius. 

That  evil  fate  which  hung  over  all  his  race, 
over  all  who  bore  his  name,  did  not  spare  Prince 
Napoleon.  With  a  personal  malignity,  it  even 
denied  him  what  it  gave  others,  both  the  crim- 
son glory  of  the  battle-field  which  is  like  the 
splendour  of  the  heavens  at  sunset,  and  the 
tragic  horror  of  defeat  which  is  like  the  dark- 
ness which  covers  the  earth  before  a  cataclysm. 


PRINCE  NAPOLEON.  I  35 

It  destined  him  to  mediocrity,  and  forced  him 
to  travel  a  road  which  led  to  no  glory.  P"^ate 
apportioned  to  this  man,  in  whom  was  the  spirit 
of  an  ancient  hero  and  the  nature  of  a  Caesar, 
the  existence  of  an  unfortunate  modern  gentle- 
man. Chained  to  the  earth,  he  spread  his  eagle 
wings  longing  for  flight,  and  became  an  object 
of  ridicule.  He  was  regarded  as  a  kind  of  mask, 
fit  for  the  carnival,  a  poor,  painted  thing,  at 
which  our  hearts  may  well  cry  out  in  shame 
and  anger. 


136  NAPOLEON  III. 


IV. 

TRAGIC    SHADOWS. 

Two  men  filled  tragic  roles  in  the  Second 
Empire,  and  fixed  their  sinister  hopes  upon 
Napoleon  III.,  as  the  technical  traitors  of  the 
drama  are  wont  to  fix  theirs  upon  some  object 
of  hatred.  These  men  are  Prince  Bismarck  and 
Count  Cavour.  Two  women  exercised  a  fatal 
influence  upon  his  life  and  upon  his  Empire, 
and  these  two  stand  forth  in  history  like  one 
figure  with  a  double  face.  They  rise  like  living 
images,  on  each  side  of  his  tomb,  evil  spirits 
from  the  nether  world.  These  women  are  the 
Empress  Eugenie  and  the  Empress  Charlotte  of 
Mexico.  While  Europe  looks  on  expectant  and 
submissive,  Bismarck  and  Cavour  dare  to  cherish 
the  hope  of  overthrowing  the  Emperor.  While 
Europe  bends  her  knee  before  the  magnificence 
of  Napoleon's  name  —  that  name  in  whose  syl- 
lables resound  the  rebellion  and  the  glory  of  the 
century  at  its  birth,  in  whose  syllables  ring  out 
the  hosannas  which  shall  be  sung  for  victories 
still  to  be  gained  —  these  men,  Bismarck  and 


TRAGIC  SHADOWS.  137 

Cavour,  cherish  a  hope,  which,  in  the  eyes  of 
the  people,  had  they  known  it,  could  but  have 
appeared  extravagant  and  absurd  —  the  hope,  I 
repeat,  of  crushing  the  Emperor. 

While  Europe  looks  on  aghast,  a  woman 
appears  who  is  jealous  of  the  power  and  the 
authority  exercised  by  Napoleon  III.,  and  who 
resolves,  without  considering  the  consequences 
of  such  a  determination,  to  turn  to  her  own 
advantage  this  power  and  this  authority.  With 
no  malicious  purpose,  for  this  would  be  too  ter- 
rible an  accusation,  but  rather  in  a  careless 
unconsciousness  of  evil,  she  weaves  her  meshes 
round  the  Emperor's  feet  ;  this  woman  is  the 
Empress  Eugenie.  The  Roman  venture  was  a 
partial  realisation  of  her  dreams,  dreams  from 
which  she  woke,  at  the  close  of  her  imperial 
reign,  to  find  herself  bathed  in  tears  and  blood. 

A  second  woman  appeared  upon  this  stage, 
a  stage  whose  background  is  the  great  world  ; 
and  this  woman  is  the  Empress  Charlotte. 
Like  a  creature  just  escaped  from  Eden,  she 
stepped  forth  radiant  in  beauty,  a  woman  hardly 
awakened  yet  to  life  and  love,  bathed  in  sun- 
shine and  crowned  with  flowers.  She  stood 
there  in  her  nudity,  the  innocent  victim  of  a 
danger  which  she  did  not  recognise,  and  into 
the  midst  of  which  she  was  cast  by  a  power  not 


138  NAPOLEON  III. 

her  own.  The  thunderbolt  fell,  and  she  still 
stood  upon  the  great  stage,  a  sad  phantom. 
Like  a  terrible  spectre,  she  haunted  the  Em- 
peror's life  and  thoughts,  a  melancholy  compan- 
ion, a  vision  of  sin  from  which  he  could  not 
escape. 

Bismarck  and  Cavour  made  use  of  very  differ- 
ent methods  in  pursuing  their  policy  with  Na- 
poleon III.,  though  it  was  their  common  purpose 
to  win,  if  not  his  conscious  co-operation  in  their 
schemes,  at  least  an  unacknowledged  sympathy 
with  their  ideals,  which  should  reflect  upon  his 
whole  governmental  policy. 

Count  Bismarck  used  Napoleon  III.  as  a  tool, 
with  which  he  would,  however,  dispense  when 
it  ceased  to  be  useful ;  but  he  never  converted 
him  to  his  theories.  To  him  the  Emperor  was 
a  sort  of  sphinx ;  he  never  felt  sure  what  he 
might  gain  from  him  in  the  unforeseen  course 
of  events.  These  circumstances,  which  placed 
the  Emperor  in  the  power  of  Prince  Bismarck, 
were  of  greater  force  in  overthrowing  Europe 
than  was  the  personal  genius  of  the  Prussian 
minister. 

Count  Cavour  pursued  a  totally  opposite 
course.  He  knew  marvellously  well,  and  with 
a  sort  of  mathematical  precision,  what  he  might 
expect    from   one   of   the    Emperor's  visionary 


TRAGIC  SHADOIVS.  I  39 

mind  and  humanitarian  dreams ;  and  day  by  day 
he  sought  to  direct  the  Emperor's  policy  into 
certain  well-defined  channels.  More  subtle  and 
less  violent  than  Bismarck,  who,  with  his  ogre- 
like personality  and  his  voice  like  the  growl  of  a 
bull-dog,  was  too  apt  to  inspire  fear,  Cavour  un- 
derstood Napoleon's  nature,  and.  encouraged  his 
aspirations.  We  may,  indeed,  safely  affirm,  if 
philosophical  deductions  are  permitted,  that,  had 
the  Emperor  been  freed  from  the  bonds  which 
united  him  to  Italy,  had  he  felt  himself  indepen- 
dent, and  unhampered  by  debt,  he  would  still, 
at  the  instigation  of  Count  Cavour,  have  laboured 
for  the  territorial  and  political  emancipation  of 
this  nation.  When  we  consider  the  progressive 
development  which  he  wished  for  Italy,  and  that 
fine  enthusiasm  which  drew  him  toward  her  in 
the  struggle  for  greatness  and  unity,  it  even 
seems  probable  that  he  would  have  dealt  none 
too  gently  with  the  temporal  power  of  the  Pope, 
had  he  not  been  checked  by  fear  of  the  Em- 
press's wrath,  and  of  a  rupture  with  his  habitual 
counsellors,  as  well  as  with  the  party  in  power 
of  which  he  had  need  for  a  support  which  he 
could  not  at  that  time  hope  to  find  elsewhere. 

The  consolidation  of  Germany  followed  that 
of  Italy.  In  the  history  of  Europe,  Prince  Bis- 
marck appears  as  the  corollary  of  Count  Cavour. 


140  NAPOLEON  III. 

Both  men  sealed  the  glory  of  their  countries 
with  the  blood  of  France.  They  divided  be- 
tween themselves  the  Emperor's  spoils,  the  one 
storming  his  heart,  the  other  his  mind.  Both 
visited  France,  though  under  differing  circum- 
stances ;  both  received  admiration  and  homage. 
The  beauties  jDf  the  court  welcomed  them, 
courted  their  smiles,  and  kept  their  sayings 
fresh  in  the  memories.  Those  young  girls 
even,  of  humble  station,  who  read  hour  by  hour 
to  the  Empress,  shared,  so  one  of  them  has  con- 
fessed, the  universal  infatuation,  and  had  their 
dreams,  too,  of  the  great  men  who  had  passed 
so  near  them. 

The  Tuileries  was  at  this  time  possessed  by 
a  strange  enthusiasm  for  what  is  foreign.  The 
courtiers  of  both  sexes  were  indifferent  to  every- 
thing French ;  they  cared  nothing  for  the  mis- 
eries and  the  joys  of  their  own  country,  for  the 
persecution  of  the  masses,  or  their  hopes  of 
freedom  ;  whereas,  for  affairs  transpiring  in  dis- 
tant lands,  they  professed  strong  interest  and 
concern,  and  directed  their  attention  toward 
them  with  that  inexplicable  lack  of  forethought 
which  is  common  to  ignorant  minds. ' 

M.  Cavour  appreciated  this  tendency  in  the 
French  people  even  before  Prince  Bismarck  did 
so,  and  reaped  from  it  his  own  harvest.    During 


TRAGIC  SHADOIVS.  I4I 

Prince  Bismarck's  visit  to  Biarritz,  and  later, 
when  in  1867  he  came  to  Paris  for  the  Exposi- 
tion, and  to  take  part  in  the  imperial  apotheosis, 
after  which  the  star  of  the  Bonapartes  set,  he, 
too,  became  aware  of  it,  and  found  therein  a 
powerful  advantage. 

I  remember  a  strange  legend  told  me  as  a 
child,  the  legend  of  a  distant  country  through 
which  there  wandered  an  evil  spirit  without 
abode,  and  which  suddenly  appeared  where 
it  was  least  expected ;  they  told  me  that  it 
haunted  wedding-feasts,  family  reunions,  and 
places  of  public  rejoicing.  Its  visit  was  fol- 
lowed by  the  ruin  or  the  death  of  those  on 
whom  it  had  fixed  its  eye,  nor  was  there  any 
power  which  could  save  the  victims  thus  con- 
demned. 

This  story  filled  me  with  terror,  and  I  used 
to  hide  my  head  upon  the  breast  of  her  who 
told  it  me.  I  am  reminded  of  the  story  now, 
and  not  less  frightened  by  it,  when  I  remember 
how,  in  1867,  in  the  midst  of  laughter  and  of 
universal  joy,  while  a  hymn  proclaiming  the 
glory  and  the  power  of  the  Empire  was  being 
sung,  while  humanity  had  given  itself  over  to 
the  folly  and  mad  extravagance  of  love,  and 
kings,  with  their  subjects,  feasted  and  drank 
together  at  one  gigantic  table ;  when  I  remera- 


142  NAPOLEON  III. 

ber,  I  say,  that  in  the  midst  of  this  there 
rose  a  man,  Prince  Bismarck,  whom  I  can  but 
liken  to  the  evil  phantom  of  the  legend,  a  man 
who  fixed  his  gaze  on  each  object,  each  human 
being,  and  by  one  sweeping  glance  brought 
death  upon  all. 

The  Italian  problem  had,  during  the  reign  of 
Napoleon  III.,  a  genuine  though  somewhat  mis- 
leading popularity,  and  is  even  considered  to-day 
as  the  brilliant  prologue  of  a  national  idyl  ;  so 
strong  is  humanity's  affection  for  an  object  by 
which  it  has  once  been  charmed,  so  untouched 
is  it  by  the  remembrance  of  harm  which  has 
come  to  it  through  that  object.  If  we  put 
aside  the  great  Italian  struggle,  there  remain  in 
the  history  of  the  Second  Empire  two  forces 
which  exerted  a  fatal  influence  upon  the  Em- 
peror and  his  epoch.  These  were  Mexico  and 
Sadowa. 

At  the  beginning  of  this  chapter  I  alluded  to 
the  unhappy  woman  in  whom  the  Mexican  dis- 
aster seems  to  find  its  synthesis.  She  passed 
through  Paris,  triumphant  and  joyous,  on  the 
way  to  her  new  home,  filled  with  pride  by  her 
husband's  recent  glory ;  she  returned  there,  as 
I  have  already  related,  as  a  fugitive,  almost  as 
a  beggar,  an  expiatory  victim  suffering  unjustly 


TRAGIC  SHADOIVS.  1 43 

for  the  folly  —  I  dare  not  call  it  crime  —  of  the 
Empress  Eugenie  and  Mme.  de  Metternich. 
This  woman  appeared  before  the  Emperor, 
whom  she  accused  of  her  sorrows,  like  a  lifeless 
statue  of  Despair,  like  an  image  of  pending 
judgment.  From  this  hour  her  memory  dwelt 
with  him,  an  awful  companion. 

I  have  given  an  account  of  the  terrifying 
scene  which  took  place  at  Saint-Cloud  in  the 
presence  of  the  whole  court,  when  the  first 
symptoms  appeared  of  the  insanity  which  after- 
wards attacked  this  poor  woman. 

There  is  a  scene  more  dramatic  than  this, 
whose  actors  were  the  Empress  Charlotte  and 
the  Emperor  Napoleon  III.  It  took  place  some 
days  later  at  Saint-Cloud,  and  has  a  tragic  and 
inexpressible  grandeur,  a  horror  infinitely  pa- 
thetic. 

Many  times  during  her  stay  in  Paris  the 
Empress  Charlotte  had  requested  an  interview 
with  the  Emperor,  that  she  might  explain  to 
him  the  motives  of  her  visit  to  Europe,  and 
plead  for  the  continuance  of  the  support  which 
he  had  promised  her  husband,  Maximilian,  but 
which  he  had  subsequently  withdrawn. 

The  Emperor  was  not  ignorant  of  the  char- 
acter of  the  interview  which  she  sought  ;  but  he 
had   resolved    to   relinquish    the  Mexican  cam- 


144  NAPOLEON  III. 

paign,  and  to  accept  its  profits  and  its  losses  as 
they  had  come  to  him.  He  therefore  evaded 
as  long  as  possible  the  supplications  of  the 
young  Empress,  but  there  came  a  time  at  last 
when  he  could  no  longer  refuse  her  audience. 

Under  the  influence  of  the  Empress  Eugenie's 
enthusiasm,  and  through  the  diplomatic  intrigues 
secretly  conducted  by  Mme.  de  Metternich  and 
officially  by  the  Prince,  her  husband.  Napoleon 
III.  had  perhaps  himself  become  convinced  that 
a  certain  glory  would  redound  to  him  through 
this  Mexican  campaign,  by  which  a  monarchy 
was  to  be  established  on  American  soil.  He 
sustained  the  campaign,  and  preserved  his  faith 
in  its  outcome,  just  so  long  as  the  mirage  of  suc- 
cess kept  his  eyes  turned  away  from  the  actual. 
When,  however,  he  perceived  that  the  Emperor 
Maximilian  could  never  win  the  affection  of  the 
Mexicans,  who  are  a  people  opposed  to  every 
foreign  element,  when,  in  short,  he  saw  the 
error  into  which  he  had  fallen,  he  withdrew  to 
his  tent,  and  uttered  the  words  of  the  ancients, 
alea  jacta  est.  It  was  not,  perhaps,  a  very 
generous  course  of  action  ;  but  the  logic  of  gov- 
ernment is  often  cruel,  and  fails  to  take  into 
consideration  generosity  and  sentiment. 

When,  therefore.  Napoleon  III.  granted  the 
Empress    Charlotte    the    audience    which    she 


TRAGIC  SHADOIVS  1 45 

awaited  with  eager  anxiety,  he  had  already  pre- 
pared his  reply  to  her  arguments,  her  tears,  and 
her  anger. 

Very  nervous,  very  excited,  with  a  half-wild 
look  in  her  eye,  the  Empress  Charlotte  awaited 
with  mingled  feelings  of  hope  and  fear  the 
arrival  of  the  Emperor.  She  dared  to  hope  ; 
because  it  seemed  to  her  that  Napoleon  III., 
after  raising  a  throne  for  her  husband,  would 
be  unwilling  that  the  whole  work  should  be 
destroyed.  She  could  not  but  fear ;  because, 
by  his  evasive  words,  his  disheartening  actions, 
and  the  pity  which  he  showed,  the  sovereign 
had  made  her  understand  that  her  story  had  no 
longer  any  interest  for  him.  She  suffered  from 
hallucinations,  and  was  now  again  haunted  by 
a  fear  which  had  taken  possession  of  her  at 
Saint-Cloud,  that  of  poison  which  she  should  be 
forced  to  drink. 

When  the  Emperor  was  announced,  she  went 
forward  to  meet  him,  and  speedily  cut  short  all 
preliminaries  by  introducing  immediately  the 
subject  which  lay  so  near  her  heart. 

"  Your  Majesty  is  perhaps  moved  at  last," 
she  said,  "by  the  cruel  fate  which  has  over- 
taken my  husband.  May  I  hope  that  your 
Majesty  will  grant  him  assistance  1  " 

The    Emperor    remained    silent    a    moment, 


146  NAPOLEON  III. 

then  spoke  with  an  accent  of  great  deference 
and  of  sincere  regret. 

"My  action  in  Mexico,  Madame,"  he  replied, 
"  is  at  an  end,  and  I  cannot  renew  it.  Were  I 
inclined  myself  to  do  so,  my  government  and 
the  Chambers  would  oppose  such  a  course." 

"You  are  Emperor,  sire." 

"  I  am  Emperor,  madame,  and  my  commands 
are  respected  and  obeyed  when  they  are  in  har- 
mony with  the  glory  and  the  interests  of  France  ; 
but  "  —  he  became  much  excited  —  "I  shall  not 
use  the  power  of  Emperor  to  plunge  my  coun- 
try into  imminent  danger,  into  an  interminable 
war  from  which  France  could  gain  nothing." 

"  A  short  time  ago,  sire,  you  spoke  differ- 
ently." 

"  A  short  time  ago,  madame,  I  had  hope." 

"  Ah,  you  had  hope  .-*  " 

"  Hope  that  Maximilian  would  avail  himself 
of  the  assistance  which  I  gave  him,  and  win  the 
love  of  the  people  ;  that  he  would  learn  to  un- 
derstand their  needs  and  their  natures,  and  be 
able  to  carry  on  by  himself  the  work  which  we 
began  together." 

"  And  now  ?  " 

"Now  I  have  no  longer  this  hope." 

The  Empress  shuddered,  rose,  and  took  one 
or  two  steps  across  the  great  room  ;  then  she 
passed  her  hand  over  her  forehead. 


TRAGIC  SHADOIVS  147 

"This  is  terrible,"  she  muttered,  "terrible." 

Once  more  she  seated  herself  near  the  Em- 
peror and  resumed  the  conversation. 

"  Sire,"  she  said,  in  a  supplicating  voice, 
"  Sire,  it  is  said  that  you  are  kind,  that  your 
heart  is  touched  by  those  who  are  in  misfor- 
tune. My  husband  and  I  are  both  victims  of 
misfortune ;  have  pity,  therefore,  upon  him  and 
me.  I  implore  you,  sire,  give  us  your  support, 
and  our  hearts  will  love  and  bless  you." 

She  took  the  Emperor's  hand,  and  brought  it 
to  her  lips  as  she  stooped  to  kneel.  Napoleon 
III.,  however,  checked  this  movement,  and,  full 
of  compassion,  bent  over  the  woman  who  sup- 
plicated him. 

"  You  speak,  Madame,"  he  said,  touching  her 
fingers  with  his  lips,  "  as  though  your  husband 
were  in  danger.  It  lies  with  him  to  avoid  this 
danger.  Let  him  retreat  with  my  troops,  and 
leave  behind  him  the  dream  of  an  empire ;  it 
was  an  unfortunate  dream." 

The  Empress  Charlotte  drew  herself  up  with 
pride. 

"  What  is  this,  sire  .?  "  she  exclaimed.  "  You 
counsel  my  husband  to  fly,  to  commit  an  act  of 
dishonour  and  of  cowardice  .''  " 

"A  general,  madame,  is  guilty  of  neither 
cowardice    nor    dishonour   when,    after    having 


148  NAPOLEON  III. 

lost  a  battle,  he  capitulates.  Is  not  the  Em- 
peror Maximilian  in  the  position  of  a  defeated 
general  ?  Let  him  act,  therefore,  as  such  a  gen- 
eral would.  Fine  phrases  have  little  sense  or 
utility.  You  are  suffering,  madame ;  you  are 
much  unstrung.      I  pray  you  calm  yourself." 

The  Empress  had  risen,  and  was  no  longer 
listening.  "  Never,"  she  cried,  with  growing 
enthusiasm,  "  never  will  Maximilian  accept  such 
proposals.  He  will  never  seek  escape,  never 
turn  his  back  to  the  rebels  who  try  to  rob  him 
of  his  crown.  No,  he  will,  if  necessary,  die  for 
the  cause  which  he  has  espoused  and  I  will  die 
with  him." 

Again  the  Emperor  spoke. 

"Madame,"  he  said,  "I  beg  you  to  examine 
more  coolly  the  arguments  which  I  have  pre- 
sented, and  the  advice  which  I  have  given. 
The  Emperor  Maximilian's  future  and  your  own 
depend  upon  your  doing  so." 

Still  the  young  Empress  stood  there,  gaz- 
ing, it  seemed,  into  space,  or  at  some  danger 
visible  to  herself  alone ;  she  had  no  appearance 
of  listening  to  Napoleon's  words,  her  lips  were 
moving  as  though  murmuring  some  chant. 

"  He  will  die,  he  will  die,  and  I  shall  die  with 
him.  They  will  put  us  into  the  same  tomb  ;  we 
shall  lie  there  together,  and  we  shall  love  each 


TRAGIC  SHADOIVS.  1 49 

Other,  love  each  other  still,  despite  the  cruelty 
of  man.  We  shall  be  exalted,  and  the  future 
shall  sing  our  glory." 

The  Emperor  made  a  movement  of  dismay 
and  alarm.  He  remembered  the  attack  from 
which  the  Empress  Charlotte  had  suffered  at 
Saint-Cloud,  and  he  feared  a  similar  one  now. 
He  touched  her  arm  gently,  and  made  her  sit 
down.  She  obeyed  unconsciously,  and  gazed  at 
him  for  some  moments  with  no  sign  of  recogni- 
tion in  her  manner,  and  then  seemed  suddenly 
to  recover  herself. 

"Ah,  you  are  the  Emperor  Napoleon  HI.," 
she  said  at  last,  "that  all-powerful  Emperor 
who  raised  my  husband  to  a  throne ;  and  I 
am  a  wretched  woman  who  implores  mercy 
for  a  victim  who  you  have  condemned." 

Her  voice  then  changed,  and  assumed  a  tone 
of  severity. 

"  You  have,  then,  made  your  final  decision  } " 
she  added.  "You  will  leave  us  to  our  own 
resources  with  no  hope  of  assistance  from 
you  .-* " 

"  I  have  told  you,  madam e,"  replied  he,  awak- 
ened to  a  consciousness  of  his  painful  position, 
"  I  have  told  you  that  I  have  no  longer  power 
to  assist  the  Emperor  Maximilian." 

A  second   time   she   rose ;   standing  motion- 


150  NAPOLEON  III. 

less,  she  fixed  her  sad  and  earnest  eyes  on  Na- 
poleon III.,  who,  embarrassed  by  her  gaze  and 
by  a  kind  of  magnetic  influence  which  resulted 
from  it,  bowed  his  head.  Suddenly,  and  with- 
out having  spoken  a  word,  the  Empress  Char- 
lotte became  desperate,  and  threw  herself  upon 
her  knees  at  the  Emperor's  feet ;  and  before  he 
could  check  her  passionate  supplication,  she 
clasped  her  hands  and  pleaded  with  him  as 
the  faithful  plead  with  their  God  in  whom  is 
their  last  hope. 

"  Sire,"  she  said,  and  the  tones  of  her  voice 
were  like  caresses,  "  Sire,  the  Emperor  Maxi- 
milian has  enemies  in  that  country,  enemies 
who  do  not  know  what  it  is  to  forgive.  Un- 
supported, he  is  powerless  against  them  and 
must  become  their  victim.  I  have  taken  this 
journey  to  save  him  ;  he  awaits  my  return  with 
loving  impatience,  with  the  anxiety,  too,  of  a 
condemned  man  who  counts  the  hours  which 
separate  him  from  death.  Sire,  you  have  loved  ; 
surely  the  remembrance  of  your  happiness  must 
open  your  heart  and  mind  to  the  feelings  of 
others.  I  love  my  husband,  sire,  and  he  loves 
me  ;  we  are  everything  to  each  other.  I  en- 
treat you  to  have  mercy  upon  him  and  me. 
I  entreat  you  not  to  sacrifice  him  to  the  pride 
of  a  rebellious   people.     From   him  who  more 


TRAGIC  SHADOIVS.  151 

than  once  has  granted  life  to  the  criminal,  I, 
sire,  dare  entreat  the  life  of  an  honest  man,  the 
life  of  the  Emperor  Maximilian." 

The  wretched  woman  paused,  exhausted ;  a 
great  sob  shook  her  frame.  She  had  put  her 
whole  soul  into  her  prayer  ;  she  collapsed  with  its 
last  words. 

Gently  the  Emperor  sought  to  raise  her  and 
to  offer  some  consolation.  He  felt  that  this 
heart-rending  scene  was  prolonging  itself  use- 
lessly, and  hastened  to  bring  it  to  a  close. 

"  Madame,"  he  said,  "  I  will  do  all  that  lies  in 
my  power  to  secure  the  safety  of,  and  the 
happiness  of,  both  yourself  and  your  husband  ; 
but  I  cannot,  alas  !  deceive  you  as  to  the  atti- 
tude of  my  government  in  this  affair.  France 
will  no  longer  support  Maximilian  on  the  throne 
of  Mexico." 

He  had  hardly  spoken  these  words  when  he 
started  back  in  horror.  Empress  Charlotte  had 
risen,  one  may  better  say  leaped,  to  her  feet, 
and  stood  tall  and  majestic  before  Napoleon 
HI.  Her  lips  were  drawn,  and  her  look  was 
that  of  a  mad  woman,  at  once  terrible,  and 
superbly  beautiful.  Thus  facing  him,  she  flung 
out  her  words  of  despair,  of  fury,  and  of  hatred. 

"Sire,"  she  cried,  "it  is  said  that  you  are 
good  ;  it  is  a  lie  !     It  is  said,  sire,  that  you  are 


152  NAPOLEON  III. 

a  magnanimous  sovereign ;  it  is  a  lie !  It  is 
said  that  you  are  great ;  it,  too,  is  a  lie !  You 
are,  sire,  an  evil  man.  You  are  an  Emperor 
without  authority  ;  a  ruler  without  ideals.  You 
are  ruthless  fate,  and  we  are  your  victims.  You 
are  the  author  of  evil ;  you  favour  its  existence. 
Evil,  however,  returns  to  its  source ;  it  will 
find  you,  sire,  and  at  no  distant  time.  You 
and  your  throne  shall  be  swept  away  by  a 
mighty  force  which  you  do  not  understand  !  " 

Her  frenzy  increased  as  she  spoke,  and  finally 
took  full  possession  of  her.  She  stretched  out 
her  arms  with  a  wild  gesture. 

"Move  back,"  she  cried  three  times,  "move 
back,  move  back !  Sire,"  she  then  added,  "  it 
is  my  turn  to  say  that  nothing  more  may  be 
expected  of  you," 

The  Emperor  had  risen  as  though  struck  by 
a  thunderbolt.  For  a  moment  he  had  been 
filled  with  anger  by  the  violence  of  the  young 
Empress  ;  but  looking  upon  her  despair,  he  had 
forgiven  her  wild  language,  and  calmed  the  feel- 
ing of  rage  which  had  taken  possession  of  him. 
It  was  seldom  that  the  Emperor's  anger  was 
aroused,  but  when  it  was  it  knew  no  bounds. 
In  this  instance,  however,  he  recovered  self- 
control,  and  listened  without  a  word,  without  a 
gesture,    to    the    imprecations   and   the  curses 


TRAGIC  SHADOIVS.  I  53 

which  were  flung  at  him.  When  at  last  Em- 
press Charlotte,  in  the  final  climax  of  her 
despair,  drove  him  from  the  room,  he  bowed 
his  head  in  profound  commiseration  and  with- 
drew. 

When  once  more  within  the  palace,  he  re- 
tired to  his  own  apartments  and  forbade  admit- 
tance. 

The  Emperor  Napoleon  III.  feared  the  ful- 
filment of  these  evil  prophecies,  and  was  much 
disquieted  by  the  words  of  the  woman  who  had 
thus  foretold  his  doom.  It  was  a  relief  to  find 
himself  alone,  and  able  to  look  calmly  forward 
into  the  future.  Who  knows  but  that,  by  an 
effort  of  the  imagination,  that  future  seemed 
still  to  smile  upon  him }  Who  knows  but  that, 
in  the  terror  of  his  soul,  he,  in  that  hour,  saw 
the  star  of  the  Bonapartes  begin  to  set .'' 

The  events  which  preceded  and  which  fol- 
lowed the  disaster  at  Sadowa  are  of  a  less 
personal  nature,  and  belong  more  properly  to 
politics  so  called. 

On  two  occasions,  both  in  1864  and  1865, 
Prince  Bismarck  conferred  with  the  Emperor 
Napoleon  III.  upon  the  existing  state  of  affairs 
in  Europe  and  upon  the  advantages  to  be  de- 
rived therefrom.     Neither  of  these   audiences, 


154  NAPOLEON  III. 

however,  whose  purpose  was  to  bring  about 
an  understanding  with  the  Cabinet  of  the  Tui- 
leries,  met  with  results  favourable  to  a  united 
action  between  France  and  Prussia  against 
their  neighbours. 

In  1864  Bismarck  attempted  to  soothe  the 
disappointment  and  the  uneasiness  which  the 
defeat  in  Denmark  had  caused  Napoleon  III. 
He  returned  to  Berlin,  having  succeeded  fairly- 
well  in  his  mission,  and  able  to  bring  back  the 
assurance  that  France  would  at  least  allow 
events  to  have  their  course  without,  for  the 
moment,  intervening. 

After  his  visit  to  Biarritz  in  1865,  Bismarck 
felt  less  confidence  in  the  Emperor's  neutrality. 
His  previous  interview  with  the  sovereign  had 
encouraged  the  hope  that  he  could  without 
much  difificulty  secure  him  as  an  ally  in  the 
cause  which  he  had  espoused.  The  Emperor, 
however,  maintained  a  questionable  position, 
made  but  a  few  comments  on  the  general  pros- 
perity of  European  nations,  and  refused  abso- 
lutely to  commit  himself.  I  have  related 
elsewhere  the  conversation  between  Bismarck 
and  Count  Walewski,  after  the  famous  visit 
in  Biarritz.  As  a  result  of  this  conversation, 
Prince  Bismarck  ceased  altogether  to  regard 
Napoleon    HI.   as  a   power    upon    which    they 


TRAGIC  SHADOIVS.  I  55 

might  rely  for  assistance.  As  soon  as  he  be- 
gan to  consider  the  Emperor  a  person  whose 
influence  could  be  turned  to  no  advantage,  he 
immediately  became  in  his  eyes  an  obstacle  in 
the  way  of  his  own  policy,  of  which  it  would 
be  well  to  get  rid.  Prince  Bismarck's  efforts 
with  the  Emperor  were,  as  we  know,  renewed, 
and  with  better  success,  by  M.  de  Goltz. 

It  now  became  important  that  Napoleon  III, 
should  bring  about  an  understanding  between 
Austria  and  the  Cabinet  at  Paris  in  regard  to 
the  Italian  question,  by  which  the  complete  in- 
dependence of  Italy  should  be  secured.  This 
was  a  time  in  which  to  realise  without  blood- 
shed the  famoirs  words  once  pronounced  by  Na- 
poleon III.  in  the  interest  of  the  Italian  people : 
"  Free,"  he  had  said,  "to  the  very  shores  of  the 
Adriatic." 

Victor  Emmanuel,  voluntarily  or  involuntarily, 
did  not  allow  the  Emperor  to  carry  very  far  the 
negotiations  which  he  had  begun  through  the 
mediation  of  Prince  Metternich.  Solicited  by 
Prussia,  he  pledged  himself  in  case  of  a  disa- 
greement between  the  Cabinet  at  Vienna  and 
that  of  Berlin,  to  declare  war  with  Austria. 
This  secret  treaty,  made  known  at  Vienna  by  an 
act  of  indiscretion  on  the  part  of  the  govern- 
ment, put  an  end  to  all  conciliatory  negotiations. 


156  NAPOLEON  III. 

Austria  felt  its  security  threatened,  although 
it  had  given  every  proof  of  good  will  in  the 
affairs  which  were  now  agitating  Europe,  and 
had  declared  itself  desirous  to  settle  them 
peacefully.  It  therefore  abandoned  all  parley- 
ing, and  intrenched  itself  behind  what  it  called 
its  rights,  that  final  argument  which  savours  of 
war  and  which  all  nations  urge  in  the  hours 
of  political  crises. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  Prince  Bismarck, 
fearing  the  effect  of  these  international  prob- 
lems upon  the  policy  of  Napoleon  III.,  invented 
as  an  hypothesis  the  annexation  of  Luxemburg 
and  of  Belgium  to  France,  as  a  compensation 
for  his  neutrality  and  a  balancing  wheel  to  his 
power.  It  must,  however,  be  stated  that  the 
Emperor  never  seriously  considered  these  prop- 
ositions, and  was  uninfluenced  by  them  on  the 
eve  of  the  Austro-Prussian  conflict. 

The  Emperor,  who  was  opposed  to  war, 
found  himself  placed  in  a  most  trying  posi- 
tion. Face  to  face  with  the  disagreement  be- 
tween the  Cabinets  of  Berlin  and  of  Austria,  it 
was  impossible  for  him  to  check  the  bloody  con- 
sequences of  that  disagreement  without  himself 
taking  a  positive  stand,  and  making  it  clear  to 
Prussia  that  he  desired  no  European  war.  This 
would    have   been    an    extreme    policy,  exempt 


TRAGIC  SHADOU/S  I  57 

from  all  subterfuge  and  all  intrigue ;  it  would 
have  been  a  bold  game,  but  it  did  not  impress 
Napoleon  III.  as  compatible  with  the  authority 
which  he  had  assumed  ;  for,  if  his  ultimatum 
should  in  this  case  be  treated  with  scorn,  there 
would  remain  but  one  course  for  him  to  pursue, 
that  of  exchanging  his  role  of  counsellor  for 
that  of  belligerent. 

Subsequent  events  have  proved  that  the  Em- 
peror should  not  have  hesitated  to  enter  iftto 
war  with  Prussia.  We  are,  however,  never  able 
to  judge  fairly  of  a  circumstance  till  that  cir- 
cumstance is  past  ;  it  is  futile  to  philosophise 
upon  possible  results  of  a  course  which  might 
have  been  pursued,  but  which,  nevertheless,  was 
not  the  one  chosen. 

Should  a  war  between  Austria  and  Prussia 
become  inevitable,  there  were  at  least  two  con- 
sequences which  must  result  therefrom,  in 
which  the  Emperor  had  every  reason  to  rejoice ; 
these  were  the  confirmation  and  organisation  of 
Italy's  independence,  and  the  weakened  power 
of  Austria  and  of  Prussia ;  this  last  result  would 
procure  for  Europe  a  long  season  of  peace,  and 
permit  France,  not  only  to  collect  her  forces,  but 
to  prepare  without  interruption  for  future  compli- 
cations which  were  almost  sure  to  arise  through 
the  agency  of  Bismarck's  troublesome  genius. 


I  58  NAPOLEON  III. 

The  Emperor's  arguments  seemed  to  be  of 
the  strongest ;  and  he  was  regarded  by  the  peo- 
ple as  their  supreme  mediator,  as  the  builder  of 
their  future  destinies. 

Public  opinion  was,  in  1866,  after  the  Aus- 
trian defeat  at  Sadowa,  entirely  in  sympathy 
with  the  Emperor ;  it  was  indeed  even  more 
violent  than  he  in  the  expressions  of  an  unre- 
flecting hatred  of  Austria  and  a  childish  en- 
thusiasm for  Prussia  and  its  needle-guns.  The 
Emperor  was,  therefore,  urged  by  public  opinion 
to  pursue  the  course  which  he  had  adopted,  and 
forced  by  it  to  maintain  his  attitude  of  arbiter 
in  this  problem  which  involved,  in  reality,  the 
reconstruction  of  European  policy. 

Among  the  politicians  who  at  this  time  sur- 
rounded the  Emperor,  there  were  those  who 
did  not  feel  the  same  assurance,  or  see  in  the 
violent  development  of  events  the  same  cause  of 
satisfaction,  as  did  the  people  at  large.  Some 
counselled  him  not  to  settle,  by  a  Solomon-like 
judgment,  the  conflict  which  had  broken  out  at 
Sadowa.  Others  advised  him  to  arrest  Prus- 
sia's encroachment  upon  the  whole  of  Germany, 
to  check  her  demands,  and,  in  case  his  arbitra- 
tion were  not  successful,  to  take  up  a  position 
on  the  Rhine.  Others  felt  that  the  role  of 
arbiter    which   was  offered    the   Emperor  gave 


TRAGIC  SHADOIVS.  I  59 

sufficient  dignity  to  the  attitude  of  France  in 
this  matter,  but  would,  nevertheless,  have  wished 
the  Cabinet  in  Paris  to  require,  as  conditions  of 
peace,  guarantees  from  Prussia  against  the  re- 
turn of  present  difficulties  and  against  the  disas- 
trous results  of  that  ever-increasing  influence 
which  her  victories  throughout  Europe  secured 
to  her.  The  scheme  for  the  annexation  of  Bel- 
gium having  been  set  aside,  it  now  became 
necessary  to  formulate  the  demands  which 
should  be  presented  to  Berlin. 

The  Emperor,  still  pursuing  the  ideal  of  the 
unity  of  nations,  and  cherishing  those  human- 
itarian dreams  which  were  its  natural  fruit, 
made  few  remonstrances  against  the  project  for 
Germany's  unification,  a  project  which,  never- 
theless, was  not  without  its  disturbing  compli- 
cations. It  was  decided  that  no  objection 
should  be  made  to  this  unification,  and  that 
France  should  simply  present  to  Berlin  the 
claims  made  by  the  Cabinet  of  the  Tuileries 
in  its  own  interest. 

These  claims  were  formulated  as  follows  :  The 
reinstatement  of  French  boundaries  as  defined 
in  the  clauses  adopted  by  the  Powers  in  1814  ; 
the  annexation  of  Luxemburg  and  of  Mayence, 
and  the  preservation  of  the  kingdom  of  Saxony 
in  its  entirety.     It  was  decreed  that  Count  Ben- 


l6o  NAPOLEON  III. 

edetti,  our  ambassador  in  Berlin,  should  be 
charged  to  support  these  claims,  and  to  sub- 
mit them  to  the  consideration  of  Prince  Bis- 
marck. 

When  Count  Benedetti,  charged  with  instruc- 
tions from  the  Cabinet  of  the  Tuileries,  arrived 
from  Vienna,  where  he  had  explained  to  the 
Emperor  Francis  Joseph  the  humiliating  con- 
ditions of  peace  and  presented  himself  before 
Bismarck,  the  Prussian  minister  was  billeted  at 
the  King's  headquarters  in  a  small  town  on  the 
way  to  Vienna.  An  armistice  had  been  arranged 
in  order  that  negotiations  could  be  pursued,  and 
the  Prussian  army  was  awaiting  the  results  of 
this  armistice,  ready  at  any  moment  to  resume 
its  march  against  the  Austrian  capital. 

Count  Benedetti  found  Prince  Bismarck  fa- 
vourably disposed  toward  his  mission ;  he  made 
known  to  the  Prussian  minister  the  result  of  his 
visit  in  Vienna,  and  said  that  he  had  found  the 
Emperor  Francis  Joseph,  though  not  prepared 
to  yield  his  position  entirely,  yet  resigned  to 
a  cessation  of  hostilities  under  the  conditions 
which  have  already  been  stated  ;  the  confedera- 
tion, that  is,  of  the  northern  states  of  Germany 
independently  of  the  authority  of  Austria,  and 
the  surrender  of  Venice  to  France,  which  nation 
would  cede  it  to  King  Victor  Emmanuel. 


TRAGIC  SHADOJVS.  l6l 

Bismarck  was  much  encouraged  by  this  suc- 
cess, and  the  interview  would  have  been  in  every 
way  most  friendly  had  Count  Benedetti  spoken 
only  of  the  conditions  just  enumerated.  When, 
however,  our  ambassador  made  it  clear  to  his 
interlocutor  that  France  required  as  a  recom- 
pense for  her  share  in  the  disintegration  of 
Europe,  and  for  her  absolute  neutrality,  the 
annexations  of  which  I  have  spoken,  and  the 
guarantee  of  her  own  security  in  the  future. 
Prince  Bismarck's  joy  was  somewhat  abated. 
With  his  impulsive  temperament,  and  that  in- 
stinctive violence  which  he  had  never  been 
able  to  conquer,  Bismarck  assumed  an  indig- 
nant attitude  before  the  claims  presented  by 
Count  Benedetti,  resented  his  demands,  and 
replied  that  he  could  not  pronounce  upon 
them  without  first  consulting  the  king.  In  a 
moment,  however,  he  resumed  his  character  of 
diplomat. 

"  It  is  difficult,"  he  added,  in  a  most  suave 
manner,  and  with  that  smile  again  upon  his  lips 
which  a  moment  ago  had  disappeared,  "  it  is 
difficult  to  discuss  at  one  time  every  item  in- 
volved in  so  serious  a  matter ;  there  is  ample 
opportunity  for  satisfactory  arrangements  to  be 
made,  and  I  have  no  doubt  that  our  views  will 
be  in  perfect  harmony." 


1 62  N/iPOLEOhl  III. 

Having  received  these  vague  and  halting 
assurances,   Count  Benedetti  withdrew. 

When,  a  short  time  after  this  interview,  our 
ambassador  was  able  to  report  to  the  Emperor 
the  partial  failure  of  his  mission,  it  was  already 
too  late  to  subdue  the  pride  of  Prussia,  and  to 
impose  upon  it  the  conditions  supplementary  to 
peace,  for  which  it  had  at  one  time  stipulated. 

Bismarck,  who  knew  how  to  make  the  best 
use  of  time,  had,  in  the  interim,  secretly  en- 
listed the  sympathy  of  various  states  with  the 
new  political  regime  which  he  was  about  to 
establish  ;  and  these  states,  which  a  few  days 
before  had  stood  in  the  relation  of  belligerents 
against  Prussia,  now  declared  themselves  satis- 
fied with  the  conditions  set  forth  in  the  treaty 
of  peace  which  had  been  submitted  to  them. 
It  is  probable  that  they  would  have  rebelled 
against  the  renewal  of  a  war  which  had  already 
weakened  their  power ;  but  the  prospect  of 
obtaining  the  privileges  and  the  glory  of  a 
separate  nationality  did  not  appear  to  them 
altogether  undesirable.  They  had,  on  the  other 
hand,  nothing  to  gain  by  a  war  with  France, 
and  would  not  readily  have  consented  to  it. 

It  was  upon  an  intimate  knowledge  of  these 
facts  that  Bismarck  relied  in  concluding  peace 
with   Austria.      The  Cabinet   of  the  Tuileries, 


TRAGIC  SHADOIVS.  163 

however,  failed  to  appreciate  them,  and  neg- 
lected to  assert  its  claims  in  the  imperative 
manner  which  circumstances  required. 

Prussia  having  by  a  hasty  peace  freed  itself 
from  Austria,  and  intrenched  itself  behind  a 
national  power  as  strong  as  German  pride  could 
demand,  now  directed  hostilities  against  France, 
and  refused  absolutely  to  accede  to  the  proposi- 
tions presented  by  the  Cabinet  of  the  Tuileries, 
as  formulated  for  the  second  time  by  Count 
Benedetti.  She  even  declined  to  discuss  these 
propositions,  or  to  permit  any  annexation  to 
our  territory  or  any  change  in  our  existing 
borders. 

These  new  complications  produced  great  con- 
sternation in  the  political  world  of  France.  It 
was  as  though  the  Tuileries  had  been  struck  by 
the  first  blast  of  a  mighty  storm,  which  had 
awakened  those  who  were  sleeping  in  peaceful 
oblivion  ;  it  was  like  one  of  those  squalls  which 
spring  up  in  open  sea,  and  toss  vessels  hither 
and  thither,  sweep  their  decks,  and  fill  with 
terror  the  hearts  of  those  on  board. 

There  was,  however,  no  time  to  be  lost  in  the 
expression  of  fruitless  fear.  It  was  important 
that  prompt  resolutions  should  be  taken  ;  and 
the  Emperor,  who  a  few  weeks  previously  had 
opposed    war,   was  now    made    uneasy   by    the 


164  NAPOLEON  III. 

State  of  affairs,  and  felt  that  the  welfare  and 
the  dignity  of  France  depended  on  decisive 
action.  He  therefore  recalled  Count  Benedetti, 
who  hastened  directly  to  Paris. 

Prussia  had  granted  our  demands  no  con- 
sideration whatever,  and  it  became  necessary 
to  determine  immediately  upon  our  course. 

The  period  which  now  approached  was  full 
of  ill  omen,  full  of  tragic  possibilities,  and  is 
memorable  in  the  life  of  Napoleon  III.  as  one 
of  the  most  crucial  periods  of  his  reign,  as  the 
beginning  of  a  long  moral  agony. 

He  was  urged  by  the  minister  of  foreign  affairs 
to  declare  war  against  Prussia,  even  at  the  risk 
of  incurring  the  hostility  of  united  Germany, 
and  of  seeing  Austria  abandon  his  cause,  and 
watch,  impassive,  the  defeat  of  France  ;  at  the 
risk,  too,  of  being  forgotten  by  Italy,  which  was 
covering  itself  with  laurels  easily  won,  and  which, 
in  the  strength  of  its  unforeseen  success,  —  a 
success  born  of  defeat,  —  was  already  becom- 
ing indifferent  to  the  policy  of  Napoleon  III. 
Urged,  therefore,  by  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  to 
declare  war  against  Prussia,  without  waiting  to 
strengthen  his  resources,  which  had  been  ex- 
hausted, or  nearly  so,  by  recent  campaigns,  the 
Emperor  Napoleon  III.,  under  the  influence  of 
his  own   anger  and  of  the  indignation   excited 


TRAGIC  SHADOIVS.  1 65 

in  him  by  the  treachery  of  Prussia,  resolved  to 
march  upon  the  Rhineland. 

When,  however,  he  gave  the  command  to  pre- 
pare for  war,  when  he  communicated  his  inten- 
tions to  his  counsellors  and  to  the  captains  of  his 
army  he  was  brought  to  a  startling  realisation 
of  public  sentiment  upon  the  question. 

A  sudden  terror  had  taken  possession  of  those 
round  him.  Politicians  shook  their  heads,  and 
muttered  that  France,  not  in  reality  seriously 
threatened,  was,  on  account  of  a  little  wounded 
pride,  entering  a  campaign  which  involved  the 
heaviest  risks.  Military  men  discussed  the 
question  among  themselves,  and  were  at  vari- 
ance as  to  the  possible  results  of  such  an 
enterprise. 

Our  armament  was  compared  with  that  which 
Prussia  had  recently  had  an  opportunity  to  test ; 
it  seemed  doubtful  whether  our  forces  would  be 
able  to  resist  a  probable  invasion.  A  committee 
was  appointed  to  examine  the  military  condition 
of  France  as  opposed  to  that  of  Prussia,  before 
a  definite  conclusion  should  be  reached  ;  and  the 
Emperor  inferred  from  this  action  that  his  coun- 
sellors feared  the  responsibility  of  advising  war, 
and  evaded  his  appeal. 

He  stood  alone  —  alone  with  his  faith  in  some 
kind  providence,  abandoned  by  the  rightful  sup- 


1 66  NAPOLEON  in 

porters  of  his  throne  and  of  his  dynasty ;  alone 
in  all  France,  which  he  was  about  to  involve 
in  war  against  Germany.  He  did  not  dare  take 
upon  himself  the  responsibility  of  an  action 
upon  whose  results  depended  the  glory  or  the 
dishonour  of  his  country ;  and  bowing  his  head 
in  the  humiliation  of  defeated  hope,  he  resigned 
himself  to  inaction,  with  a  bitter  sense  of  disap- 
pointment. 

It  was,  however,  agreed  that  the  position  in 
which  France  was  placed  by  the  sudden  devel- 
opment of  Prussia's  power  required  the  nation 
at  least  to  feign  an  unity  of  sentiment,  and  to 
direct  its  attention  toward  means  whereby  the 
triumph  of  its  claims  might  at  no  distant  day 
be  assured. 

Henceforth,  however,  claims  and  victories 
were  little  talked  of.  The  Emperor  Napoleon 
HI.  was  doomed  to  drift  as  does  a  wreck  which 
is  driven  from  shore  to  shore,  and  which  is  cast 
upon  many  a  reef  before  it  disappears  forever 
into  the  depths  of  some  great  sea. 

One  glorious  hour  was,  it  is  true,  given 
him  ;  one  hour  of  peace  and  consolation,  the 
hour,  we  might  almost  say,  of  his  apotheosis. 
The  hosannas  and  the  Te  Dewn  of  1867  were 
heard  in  the  distance  like  the  low  tones  of  an 


TRAGIC  SHADOIVS.  167 

hymn,  like  the  full,  rich  harmonies  which  fill 
the  great  vaulting  of  a  cathedral ;  they  were 
heard,  too,  with  the  noise  of  victory,  ringing 
with  the  notes  of  wild  triumph,  like  those  which 
in  the  silence  of  night  seem  to  pass  from  flag 
to  flag  in  the  idle  arsenal  —  those  flags  which 
are  never  for  a  moment  motionless,  but  ever 
wave  their  tattered  colours,  eternal  emblems  of 
a  nation's  glory,  and  also  of  the  dire  hatred  of 
man  under  the  smoke  of  battle.  The  hosannas 
and  the  Te  Deuni  of  1867  rose  in  their  loud 
strains  of  praise  toward  the  star  of  the  Bona- 
partes,  as  of  old  the  thoughts  and  the  eyes 
of  the  Magi  were  raised  to  the  wonderful  star 
of  Bethlehem.  Claims  and  triumphs,  however, 
were  henceforth  silenced.  Through  hymns  of 
rejoicing  broke  the  discord  of  a  lie;  the  star 
of  the  Bonapartes  was  about  to  set,  the  Em- 
peror to  perish,  a  desolate  spirit,  alone  in  all 
Europe.  To  him  whose  heart  was  full  of  kindly 
interest  for  all  humanity,  no  affection  was  given  ; 
to  him  who  knew  so  well  how  to  love,  no  love 
was  given.  He  died  without  a  nation,  he  who 
had  ruled  one  of  the  greatest  nations  of  the 
earth. 


1 68  NAPOLEON  in. 


V. 

THE    EMPEROR    AND    THE    SALONS. 

The  Second  Empire,  both  during  its  period 
of  autocracy  and  during  that  of  liberal  govern- 
ment, awakened  in  the  nation  a  spirit  of  impla- 
cable hatred,  which  no  circumstances  served  to 
lessen  ;  and  this  hatred  was  born  and  bred  in 
the  saloiis.  I  have,  in  my  volume  entitled  "  The 
Empress  Eugenie,"  and  also  in  "  The  Court  of 
Napoleon  III.,"  alluded  to  the  animosity  felt 
by  the  leaders  of  the  Faubourg  Saint-Germain 
toward  Napoleon  III.  These  dislikes  and  pre- 
judices, which  the  Emperor,  in  his  excessive 
generosity,  feigned  to  ignore,  will  be  dealt  with 
more  fully  in  the  present  chapter. 

It  was,  perhaps,  during  its  period  of  autoc- 
racy that  the  Empire  had  most  to  suffer  from 
the  salons ;  in  them  were  nourished  the  doc- 
trines of  absolutism  and  of  aristocratic  forms  of 
government,  though  they  hypocritically  affected 
great  sympathy  with  the  republican  opposition  ; 
the  warfare  which  they  waged  against  the  Tui- 
leries  was  continuous  and  without  mercy. 


THE  EMPEROR  AND    THE  SALONS.         1 69 

There  were,  during  the  reign  of  Napoleon  III., 
various  distinct  parties  opposed  to  the  existing 
government  ;  without  entering  into  too  minute 
analysis,  we  may  at  least  recognise  three  such 
parties,  which  were  animated  by  totally  diverse 
principles,  but  united  in  their  onslaught  against 
the  common  enemy. 

There  were  staunch  royalists,  disciples  of  the 
Comte  de  Chambord  ;  there  were  the  Orleanists, 
who  maintained  the  claims  of  the  exiled  sons  of 
Louis  Philippe  ;  and  there  were  also  the  repub- 
licans. 

The  royalist  party  was  led  principally  by 
women,  and  gave  expression  to  a  rather  negative 
opposition  by  assuming  an  attitude  of  scorn 
toward  the  Emperor,  the  Empress,  and  all  the 
court.  The  Faubourg  Saint-Germain  is  not 
wont  to  express  its  sentiments  in  vigorous 
action  ;  a  general  appearance  of  activity  satis- 
fies its  aspirations.  In  this  instance  it  took 
refuge  in  the  customs  and  the  etiquette  peculiar 
to  itself,  and  in  the  regulation  of  its  own  enjoy- 
ments. Accounts  of  all  proceedings  at  the 
Tuileries  were  received  by  it  with  most  expres- 
sive frowns  and  pouts,  which,  however,  were  not 
dangerous.  The  women,  in  the  strength  of 
their  recently  emblazoned  heraldry,  set  the  ex- 
ample of  these  frowns  and  pouts  as  they  mur- 


I70  NAPOLEON  III. 

mured,  with  all  the  sanctified  manner  of  priests 
pronouncing  holy  orisons  at  the  altar,  the  word, 
king.  The  men  speedily  adapted  their  views  to 
those  held  by  the  fairer  sex. 

The  comparative  respect  shown  the  Emperor 
and  his  family,  and  especially  to  the  young 
Prince  Imperial,  by  Comte  de  Chambord,  as 
well  as  this  nobleman's  hatred  against  the 
princes  of  Orleans,  caused  great  annoyance  to 
the  royalist  opposition.  If  among  the  legiti- 
mist party,  there  were  some  who  regretted  such 
respect  and  consideration,  they  nevertheless 
acceded  to  it  in  public,  and  consoled  them- 
selves in  private  by  directing  against  the  Em- 
peror and  his  court  that  ridicule  which  originated 
in  Coblentz.  Their  spirit  was  that  of  the 
emigres  who  made  Robespierre  the  object  of 
their  wit.  It  was  not  a  novel  game,  nor  was  its 
humour  the  most  subtle ;  it  smelt  of  Spanish  to- 
bacco, of  the  musty  face-powder  worn  by  a  ball- 
room dame  ;  and  it  was  not  alarming.  In  short, 
the  royalist  opposition  under  the  Second  Em- 
pire had  in  it  less  of  political  conviction  than  of 
social  sulkiness  ;  and  the  Faubourg  Saint-Ger- 
main, in  assuming  opposition  to  the  Tuileries, 
gave  expression  to  an  extreme  elegance,  rather 
than  to  any  high  principles  of  government. 

The    relations,  therefore,  between   the  court 


THE  EMPEROR  AND    THE  SALONS.         I/I 

and  the  Faubourg  Saint-Germain  were  most 
peaceable.  The  Emperor  kept  himself  informed 
concerning  the  exigencies  of  the  royalist  aris- 
tocracy, and  was  not  ignorant  of  its  tottering 
position  ;  he  quieted  its  claims  by  granting  to 
those  whom  he  felt  would  be  appeased  thereby 
favours  and  government  positions  with  large 
salaries,  without  requiring  such  persons  to  aban- 
don their  convictions.  He  invited  to  various 
entertainments  at  the  Tuileries  those  high-born 
women  who  were  eager  to  see  once  more,  if 
only  for  a  moment,  the  palace  which  they  had 
never  ceased  to  consider  their  rightful  property. 

It  must  be  admitted  that  the  men  who  distin- 
guished themselves  under  the  Second  Empire 
always  maintained  a  deferential  and  a  submis- 
sive attitude,  and  were  guilty  of  no  breach  of 
courtesy.  The  women,  on  the  other  hand,  lack- 
ing in  all  sense  of  honour,  envious  of  the  radiant 
beauty  of  the  Empress,  embittered  because  they 
were  given  but  a  secondary  place  where  they 
would  have  wished  to  be  mistresses,  these 
women,  I  say,  who  were  by  nature  malicious, 
and  envious  by  instinct,  preserved  their  dis- 
like of  the  imperial  family  despite  the  kindness 
shown  them,  and  issued  from  the  Tuileries  with 
derision  on  their  lips  and  anger  in  their  hearts. 

In  the  intimate  circle  of  their  friends  and  rela- 


1/2  NAPOLEON  III. 

tions  they  delighted  to  parody  the  conversation 
and  the  gestures  of  the  Empress  and  her  court. 
Such  recognition  as  this  of  a  truly  delightful 
hospitality  is  certainly  open  to  criticism.  Had 
self-respecting  plebeians  been  guilty  of  it,  they 
would  have  met  with  severe  criticism  from  the 
very  classes  which,  as  it  was,  committed  the 
offence ;  high-bred  women  of  the  aristocracy, 
however,  were  greeted  with  praise  for  their  wit 
and  intelligence. 

From  time  to  time,  in  order  that  the  royalist 
opposition  should  maintain  a  sort  of  dignity  and 
seriousness,  a  duke,  a  marquis,  or  a  count  of 
good  repute  in  the  Faubourg  Saint-Germain, 
would  leave  Paris  in  the  character  of  conspir- 
ator, and  hold  conference  with  the  king  at 
Frohsdorff  or  at  Goritz.  The  best  way  in 
which  to  conduct  such  interviews  was  carefully 
considered  in  the  Faubourg,  and  its  probable 
results  discussed  there  with  all  the  grace  and 
courtesy  of  long  ago.  After  the  nobleman  who 
had  been  charged  with  such  a  mission  returned 
to  Paris,  bringing  with  him  that  letter  which 
Comte  de  Chambord  never  failed  to  write  on 
such  occasions,  a  letter  in  which  he  thanked 
the  messenger  for  his  faithfulness,  recom- 
mended him  to  the  gratitude  of  his  co-workers, 
and  expressed  his  faith  in  the  future,  there  was 


THE  EMPEROR  AND    THE  SALONS.         1 73 

an  unusual  stir  in  the  aristocracy ;  heavy  car- 
riages rolled  through  the  streets  drawn  by  horses 
caparisoned  with  armorial  bearings,  and  for  a  few 
days  Paris  thought  less  of  the  Tuileries  and  more 
of  the  splendour  of  times  long  passed. 

These  supernumerary  roles  and  parts  for 
comic  heroes  were  well  adapted  to  the  members 
of  the  aristocracy  under  the  Second  Empire  ; 
great  enjoyment  was  found  in  them,  and  the 
Faubourg  Saint-Germain  had  no  wish  to  change 
these  pleasures  for  more  perilous  enterprises. 
Caring  httle  for  the  true  interests  of  the  coun- 
try, they  were  at  heart  indifferent  to  the  form 
of  government  established  ;  their  thought,  their 
aspiration,  their  ideal,  was  but  concerned  with 
the  decorative  element  of  the  attitude  assumed 
by  them. 

The  Comte  de  Chambord  was  in  harmony 
with  their  views  on  this  point,  and  the  princess 
whom  he  had  married  sought  in  every  way 
to  establish  their  aesthetic  position. 

I  once  had  occasion  to  give  a  little  sketch 
of  the  Comte  and  Comtesse  de  Chambord  ;  and, 
believing  my  criticism  to  be  in  the  main  just, 
I  beg  permission  to  repeat  it  here. 

"  The  Comtesse  de  Chambord,"  I  wrote,  "  who  was  an 
Italian  married  to  a  French  prince,  exerted  a  fatal  in- 
fluence upon  the  spirit  of  European  society ;  she  not  only 


174  NAPOLEON  III. 

had  strong  power  over  her  husband,  but  more  than  once 
interfered  with  the  policy  of  France,  both  in  its  internal  re- 
lations and  in  those  with  other  countries.  Anti-French  in 
birth  and  feeling,  she  did  not  at  all  modify  her  prejudice 
when  she  married  Comte  de  Chambord.  This  animosity 
was  displayed  in  the  most  trifling  concerns  of  life  as  well 
as  in  the  momentous  affairs  of  government.  Possessing, 
as  she  did,  complete  power  over  her  husband,  she  was 
able  to  conceal  his  true  views.  Thus  blinded  and  de- 
ceived, this  pitiable  king  without  a  crown  obeyed  her, 
regardless  of  the  good  or  evil  which  might  result  there- 
from. Much  has  been  said  concerning  the  noble  life  of 
Comte  de  Chambord,  and  many  are  the  flowers  of  elo- 
quence strewn  before  his  memory.  From  a  literary 
standpoint  rhetoric  is  certainly  fine,  but  it  becomes  ob- 
jectionable in  politics  when  it  is  but  the  expression  of 
hypocrisy.  The  true  cause  of  the  admiration  felt  for 
Comte  de  Chambord  is  the  fact  that  no  one  feared  him. 
He  was,  in  reality,  a  kind  of  heathen  prophet,  a  god 
Buddha,  a  selfish  man  who  preserved  toward  the  inter- 
ests of  his  country  an  haughty  indifference ;  there  is  for 
him  but  one  excuse,  and  this  is  brain  weakness ;  he  re- 
ceived impressions  whose  consequences  he  had  no  power 
to  measure.  He  was  a  kind  of  king's  effigy,  a  miserable 
man,  occasionally  arrayed,  by  his  wife's  orders,  in  the 
emblems  of  power;  nourished  by  the  delight  of  a  barren 
dream,  he  lived  on,  a  pitiable  character,  having  accom- 
plished nothing  in  his  own  interest  or  in  that  of  the 
country  which,  in  theory,  he  pretended  to  love  and 
govern  ;  he  died,  having  bequeathed  nothing  to  humanity 
or  to  history,  not  even  that  commonplace  example  of 
courage  which  has  distinguished  every  other  claimant  to 
the  throne,  every  other  hero  disowned  by  his  nation." 

There  is   a  fact   which   should   be    noted   in 


THE  EMPEROR  AND    THE  SALONS.         1 75 

regard  to  the  opposition  of  the  royalist  salo)is 
under  the  Second  Empire.  Though  this  op- 
position had  no  effect  on  the  internal  policy  of 
the  Emperor,  its  influence  upon  his  foreign 
policy  was  most  disastrous.  Through  its  rela- 
tions with  foreign  diplomacy,  the  legitimist 
party  had  a  large  share  in  bringing  about  many 
disturbing  events  during  the  Second  Empire, 
and  can  with  difficulty  exculpate  itself.  Led 
by  the  Comtesse  de  Chambord,  this  party  con- 
tinually opposed  the  imperial  plans,  and  waged 
unceasing  war  against  the  Cabinet  of  the  Tui- 
leries.  On  one  occasion,  to  cite  an  example  of 
its  mode  of  action,  it  obtained  from  Prince 
Metternich  and  the  Austrian  government  a 
fatal  interposition  in  the  Roman  question,  and 
made  use  of  this,  and  of  the  religious  fanaticism 
of  the  Empress,  as  well  as  of  its  own  authority, 
against  the  decisions  of  Napoleon  III. 

That  noble  feeling  of  patriotism  by  which  a 
nation  is  exalted,  by  which  it  is  led  to  the  ruin 
or  to  the  cruel  glory  of  war,  that  high  senti- 
ment which  fills  all  true  hearts,  did  not  exist 
among  the  politicians  of  the  day  or  among 
the  representatives  of  the  aristocracy.  To  pol- 
iticians, France  was  but  a  great  table  round 
which  they  gathered  to  play  their  game ;  they 
threw    down    their    cards    with   reference  to  a 


1/6  NAPOLEON  III. 

certain  stake,  as  a  gambler  throws  down  his 
with  an  eye  on  the  heap  of  gold  before  him. 
The  aristocracy,  to  whatever  country  it  may 
belong,  regards  patriotism  as  a  kind  of  sport. 
It  is  a  bond  between  its  members,  be  they 
French,  English,  German,  Italian,  or  Russian, 
a  bond  which,  like  that  of  the  Freemasons,  for- 
bids hatred.  The  aristocracy  fights  no  less 
valiantly  upon  the  battle-field  than  do  the 
soldiers,  yet  a  different  ideal  is  ever  before 
it.  It  goes  to  war  as  it  goes  to  the  races, 
and  falls  as  willingly  under  a  ball,  a  bullet,  or 
a  stroke  of  the  sabre,  while  wrapped  in  the 
national  colours,  as  it  falls  in  the  race-course 
while  taking  a  hurdle,  arrayed  in  its  costume  of 
jockey.  Born  and  bred  at  a  great  distance 
from  the  people,  the  aristocracy  cannot  feel 
with  the  people ;  but  as  in  the  supreme  mo- 
ments of  life,  its  acts  are  like  those  of  the 
whole  mass  of  humanity,  it  is  not  well  to  cast 
too  much  reproach  on  that  somewhat  original 
philosophy  which  is  peculiar  to  itself. 

The  Comte  de  Chambord  was  king  of  this 
world,  which,  I  repeat,  we  do  wrong  to  condemn 
and  to  stigmatise  before  having  studied  and  un- 
derstood. He  shared  neither  the  virtues  nor  the 
defects  of  his  race,  but  was  an  alien,  an  ingraft- 
ment   as   it  were,   upon    a  different  species  of 


THE  EMPEROR  AND    THE  SALONS.         IJJ 

tree,  whose  branches  are  unlike  those  of  the 
tree  itself.  He  was  not,  however,  without  re- 
finement and  kindly  feeling,  nor  can  we  justly 
condemn  him  as  a  man  altogether  without 
noble  sentiments.  There  is  cause  to  believe 
that  he  disliked  his  mock-kingship  of  an  idle 
aristocracy,  an  aristocracy  unwilling  to  abandon 
the  faultless  conventionality  of  its  convictions, 
and  that  decorum  in  which  was  no  peril  or  dis- 
quieting element. 

The  salons  of  the  Orleanists  caused  more 
annoyance  to  the  government  than  did  those 
of  the  Legitimist  party.  The  former  were  not 
content  to  express  vague  theories,  but  held 
serious  doctrines,  and  gave  evidence  of  these 
in  acts  of  more  alarming  import.  They  fol- 
lowed the  leadership  of  men  famous  for  their 
intellectual  gifts,  men  renowned  for  their  argu- 
mentative powers,  and  versed  in  the  contro- 
versial questions  of  government ;  they  thus 
rapidly  became  a  power  which  the  Cabinet  of 
the  Tuileries  could  not  afford  to  overlook. 

At  the  head  of  these  salons  stood  the  young 
exiled  princes,  who  presented  themselves,  if  not 
to  the  nation  at  large,  at  least  to  the  lower 
classes,  first  under  the  prestige  of  misfortune, 
and  later  under  that  of  a  liberalism  whose  sin- 


178  N/iPOLEON  III. 

cerity  was,  however,  ultimately  doubted.  The 
tragical  death  of  the  Due  d' Orleans,  father  of 
the  Comte  de  Paris,  who  was  regarded  as  a 
possible  successor  to  Napoleon  III.,  was  still 
fresh  in  all  minds,  and  dwelt  there,  a  kind  of 
sentimental  legend  inspired  by  the  popularity 
of  this  prince,  who  was  indeed  full  of  virtue  and 
of  charm. 

The  exiled  princes  by  no  means  remained 
inactive,  but  added  their  influence  to  that  of 
those  who  maintained  their  cause  in  France. 
They  assumed  an  offensive  position  before  the 
Empire ;  they  made  their  voices  heard  in  the 
discussions  of  the  day,  they  su^^ported  journals 
which  proclaimed  the  justice  of  their  principles 
and  of  their  claims.  They  reigned  over  the 
salons,  which  willingly  bowed  to  their  authority  ; 
nor  was  their  rule  that  of  the  potentates  of  a 
comedy,  as  was  that  of  Comte  de  Chambord 
over  the  Faubourg  Saint-Germain ;  they  gov- 
erned with  all  the  assurance  of  leaders  certain 
of  victory,  and  remind  us  somewhat  of  the 
mighty  vassals  of  feudal  days,  who  assigned  the 
king  his  tasks. 

Of  the  Comte  de  Paris  little  was  said  at  this 
time.  He  appeared  in  the  world  as  a  young 
man  of  average  intelligence,  well  qualified  for 
the  life  of  a  parliamentarian,  to  which  he  was 


THE  EMPEROR  AND    THE  SALONS.  1 79 

destined,  and  inclined  to  support  the  theories 
and  the  claims  of  his  uncles,  sons  of  the  King 
Louis  Philippe.  Of  these  sons,  the  Prince  de 
Joinville,  the  Due  de  Nemours,  the  Due  de 
Montpensier,  and  the  Due  d'Aumale,  much,  on 
the  contrary,  was  spoken. 

By  a  still-life  deception,  by  a  kind  of  sleight- 
of-hand,  the  name  of  the  Prince  de  Joinville  was 
always  associated  with  the  Napoleonic  legend  ;  it 
called  forth  the  remembrance  of  the  return  of  the 
Emperor's  remains  from  Saint  Helena  upon  the 
Belle  Poide,  which  was  accomplished  through 
the  intervention  of  this  nobleman.  His  nature 
was  contrasted  with  the  ingratitude  of  Louis 
Bonaparte,  whose  kingdom  had  been  prepared 
by  the  monarchy  of  July.  The  proud  and  high- 
bred manner  of  Comte  de  Nemours,  his  personal 
beauty,  and  his  chivalrous  nature,  were  constant 
subjects  of  praise. 

The  Due  de  Montpensier  was  also  extolled, 
and  his  intimacy  with  the  Spanish  princes  was 
made  a  source  of  rejoicing.  Yet,  of  the  four 
uncles  of  the  Comte  de  Paris,  the  Due  d'Au- 
male was  undoubtedly  the  most  popular.  It 
was  he  who  inspired  the  Orleanist  party  in  its 
political  acts  ;  it  was  he  whose  counsels  were 
respected  and  obeyed. 

The    Due   d'Aumale  was   more  of   a  soldier 


l8o  NAPOLEON  in. 

than  were  his  brothers,  and  during  his  father's 
reign  and  his  own  exile  had  roused  an  enthu- 
siasm which  placed  him  on  a  somewhat  higher 
plane  in  the  eyes  of  the  people.  Acts  of  wild 
bravado  were  attributed  to  him,  and  escapades 
of  love ;  this  character  of  a  Don  Juan  was  most 
attractive  to  the  masses,  which  in  France  are 
ready  idolaters  of  any  wild  adventurer.  The 
story  which  represents  him  at  the  head  of  his 
army  waging  furious  war  in  Algeria  was  told 
and  retold  ;  nor  did  the  salons  ever  tire  of  hear- 
ing how  he  passed  in  review  in  Courbevoie  in 
the  character  of  colonel,  and  how  there  rode  by 

his  side  his  mistress.  Mile.  Alice  O ,  attired 

like  him  in  a  magnificent  uniform  of  colonel. 
There  was  in  the  life  of  the  Due  d'Aumale  a 
resemblance  to  that  of  Henry  IV.,  which  pro- 
cured for  him  a  certain  popularity.  He  was, 
moreover,  young,  brilliant,  bold,  and  a  devoted 
admirer  of  women,  able  in  every  way  to  justify 
the  character  with  which  public  sentiment  had 
invested  him.  He  held  regular  correspond- 
ence with  his  partisans  in  France,  studied  the 
diverse  questions  which  agitated  the  nation, 
watched  carefully  the  course  of  events,  and 
wrote  letters  which,  when  made  public,  assumed 
the  importance  of  manifestoes. 

The   leading   partisans    of    these    princes  in 


THE  EMPEROR  AND    THE  SALONS.         l8l 

Paris  and  throughout  France,  those  who  exerted 
influence  in  the  salons,  were  men  of  true  valour, 
or  descendants  of  illustrious  personages  who 
had  won  renown  in  the  monarchy  of  July. 
These  were  MM.  de  Broglie,  de  Remusat, 
d'Haussonville,  de  Montalivet,  Decazes,  and  de 
Montalembert.  These  men  not  only  made  their 
voices  heard  through  the  social  world,  but  they 
wrote,  and  established  newspapers  ;  their  voices, 
joining  with  those  of  the  republicans,  sounded 
like  the  distant  rumbling  of  a  coming  storm. 
It  was  in  the  salons  Thiers  and  Galliera  that 
the  Orleanist  party  usually  held  its  meetings. 
It  was  here  that  the  Due  de  Broglie,  young  at 
that  time,  and  imbued  with  liberal  principles,  com- 
municated to  his  friends  the  somewhat  vague 
ideals  which  filled  his  mind,  and,  with  his  eyes 
raised  dreamily  toward  heaven,  read  to  them 
the  strange  papers  which  he  had  designed  for 
publication.  It  was  here  that  M.  de  Remusat 
proclaimed  his  royalist  convictions,  convictions 
which  were,  however,  tempered  by  doubts  and 
evasions  in  which  an  observer  might  have 
foretold  the  republican  of  to-morrow.  It  was 
here  that  M.  d'Haussonville  discussed,  with 
his  unflagging  good-humour,  the  virtues  of  the 
princes  ;  and  here,  too,  M.  de  Montalembert,  of 
more    violent    temperament,    hurled    forth    his 


I  82  NAPOLEON  III. 

anathemas  against  the  Empire,  while  the  Due 
Decazes  gave  vent  to  his  hatred  of  Napoleon 
III.  and  of  all  which  concerned  him. 

Due  Decazes,  even  after  the  war  of  1870, 
was  one  of  the  politicians  of  the  National 
Assembly  who  showed  the  most  bitter  feeling 
against  Napoleon  III.  It  would  have  been 
becoming  had  he  remembered  that  his  mother, 
the  Duchesse  Decazes,  had,  in  1861,  solicited 
favour,  and  begged  assistance  of  the  sovereign, 
and  had  met  with  compassion  from  him  in  her 
misfortunes. 

This  incident  calls  for  some  mention  here, 
inasmuch  as  it  proves,  as  I  have  stated  in  my 
previous  book,  "  The  Empress  Eugenie,"  and 
in  the  chapter  of  that  book  which  is  entitled 
"  The  Empress  and  Society,"  that,  though 
the  Royalist  party  was  in  continual  and  fierce 
conflict  against  Napoleon  III.,  it  did  not 
scruple,  on  convenient  occasions,  to  make  use 
for  its  own  ends  of  the  kindness  and  the  power 
of  the  Emperor.  Honesty  and  pride  would 
have  seemed  to  forbid  this  party  the  use  of 
imperial  favours  ;  honour  would  seem  to  impose 
silence  on  certain  men  who  had  been  recipients 
of  these  favours.  To  forget  kindnesses  received 
is,  however,  too  vital  an  element  of  human 
nature  to  admit  of  much  astonishment. 


THE  EMPEROR  AND    THE  SALONS.         1 83 

It  was  M.  de  Sainte-Aulaire  who,  in  February, 
1 86 1,  undertook  to  negotiate  with  one  of  the 
ministers  of  Napoleon  III.  for  the  assistance  in 
behalf  of  the  Duchesse  Decazes  to  which  I  have 
just  alluded.  It  was  he  who  made  public  the 
letter  in  which  the  widow  of  that  most  popular 
minister,  who  had  been  compromised  in  the 
Restoration,  solicited  financial  aid. 

On  March  7,  1849,  Prince  Louis  Napoleon 
Bonaparte,  President  of  the  Republic,  had 
granted  the  Due  Decazes  a  pension  of  six 
thousand  francs.  M.  de  Sainte-Aulaire,  in  his 
letter  to  the  Emperor's  minister,  recalled  this 
fact  in  support  of  the  request  which  he 
transmitted. 

"  My  dear  Count,"  wrote  M.  de  Sainte-Aulaire,  "  the 
enclosed  note  will  prove  the  accuracy  of  the  statements 
which  I  made  to  you  a  few  days  ago.  That  which  we 
ask  is  the  continuance  of  an  act  which  has  already  given 
evidence  of  your  great  goodness.  I  can  but  feel  that, 
setting  aside  all  political  considerations,  this  proof  of 
sympathy  bestowed  on  the  widow  of  a  man  who  occu- 
pied a  position  of  importance  in  our  nation  will  meet  with 
universal  approbation. 

"  Accept,  in  any  case,  my  gratitude  for  your  interest  in 
this  affair,  as  well  as  my  most  affectionate  regards,  which 
spring  from  a  friendship  of  long  standing. 

"  Friday." 

"  Monsieur  le  Comte,"  ran  the  letter  of  the  Duchesse 
D6cazes,   '•  In    1849  '^^  annual  and  life  pension    of  six 


1 84  NAPOLEON  III. 

thousand  francs  was  accorded  my  husband,  the  Due 
D6cazes,  to  be  paid  from  the  revenues  received  by  M. 
Odilon  Barrot,  at  that  time  minister. 

'•  The  financial  position  in  which  I  am  left  leads  me  to 
ask  you,  sir,  to  obtain  from  his  Majesty,  the  Emperor, 
permission  that  this  pension  be  continued  to  me. 

"  I  shall  receive  this  favour  with  a  feeling  of  true  grati- 
tude, of  which  gratitude,  sir,  I  trust  you  will  be  the 
faithful  interpreter. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  remain,  sir,  your  excellency's 
humble   and   obedient  servant, 

Desse    Decazes." 

It  is  with  no  hostile  intent  that  I  pubHsh 
these  documents.  Had  not  the  Due  Decazes, 
son  of  the  author  of  the  preceding  letter,  as- 
sumed the  offensive  attitude  which  he  did 
toward  Napoleon  III.  after  1870,  I  should 
never  have  made  them  public.  Such  records 
as  these,  however,  confirm  too  strongly  my  es- 
timate of  the  Emperor's  character  to  permit  my 
withdrawal  of  them  from  the  legitimate  curios- 
ity and  the  impartial  appreciation  of  the  reader. 
Facts  of  a  personal  nature  like  this,  form,  when 
accumulated,  the  philosophy  of  history ;  and  if 
this  philosophy  presents  to  the  sentimental  mind 
only  vain  and  awful  cruelties,  it,  nevertheless, 
possesses  for  intelligent  men  certain  claims 
which  we  have  no  right  to  neglect. 

Unlike  the  Legitimist  party,  the  Orleanists  had 
few  women  in  their  ranks  whose  influence  was 


THE  EMPEROR  /IND   THE  SALONS.         185 

Strongly  felt.  Men  of  courage,  energy,  and  ini- 
tiative were  numerous  among  them ;  and  their 
opposition  was  dangerous  because  it  manifested 
itself  not  only  in  words,  but  also  in  deeds  ;  be- 
cause it  organised  a  merciless  war,  at  once 
political,  social,  and  academic,  against  imperial 
institutions,  and  preached  liberal  doctrines  at  a 
time  when  the  government  of  the  Tuileries  was 
opposed  to  all  progress,  all  concessions,  all  relin- 
quishment of  its  absolutism.  The  Orleanist 
party,  with  an  incontestable  shrewdness  which 
it  afterwards  lost,  foresaw  the  evolution  of  the 
Empire,  and  checked  its  course  by  monopolising 
prematurely  its  doctrine.  In  this  act  lay  its 
strength  for  the  conflict  which  it  had  under- 
taken ;  the  manoeuvre  would  have  insured  its 
success  at  the  critical  moment  had  the  men  who 
represented  the  princes  been  at  a  less  distance 
from  the  people.  These  men  were  but  disguised 
aristocrats,  and  wore  with  little  ease  their  car- 
magnoles of  fine  cloth  ;  in  politics,  they  were 
but  dilettantes  ;  they  conspired  in  lace  and  per- 
fumes ;  they  hated  the  people,  and  were,  in 
return,  if  not  hated,  at  least  absolutely  ignored 
by  them. 


1 86  NAPOLEON  HI. 


VI. 

M.  EUGENE  ROUHER. 

The  Second  Empire  is  marked  by  two  dis- 
tinct phases  :  one  is  its  power  and  absolutism, 
the  other  its  liberalism.  If  we  set  aside  all  per- 
sonal prejudice  in  regard  to  governmental  theo- 
ries, and  seek  but  to  understand  justly  the  true 
nature  of  politics  at  that  time,  we  can  hardly 
fail  to  acknowledge  that  the  Tuileries  knew 
marvellously  well  how  to  put  its  doctrine  of 
absolutism  into  execution,  or  that  it  chose  with 
admirable  wisdom  the  men  whose  office  it  was 
to  propagate  its  principles.  In  its  phase  of  lib- 
eralism Napoleon  III.  showed  far  less  ability. 
This  period  of  his  reign  seems  less  like  a  well- 
defined  political  era  than  it  does  like  a  transi- 
tion period.  We  feel  in  it  a  spirit  of  hesitancy  ; 
its  movement  is  clumsy,  and  shows  lack  of  expe- 
rience, reminding  us  of  the  work  of  an  artisan 
in  whose  hands  is  placed  a  tool  whose  use  he 
does  not  understand,  but  with  which  he  is  told 
to  make  an  article  whose  manufacture  is  not 
included  in  his  craft.     During  its  liberal  period 


M.  EUGENE  ROUHER.  1 8/ 

the  Empire  was  like  this  artisan.  Liberty  was 
a  new  tool,  which  it  did  not  know  how  to 
handle. 

Setting  aside  M.  de  Persigny,  who  was  a 
warm  friend  of  Napoleon  III.,  and  who,  as  such, 
co-operated  in  all  his  schemes  with  more  or  less 
willingness  and  good  humour,  the  authoritative 
Empire  finds  its  personification  in  two  men 
whom  events  brought  continually  into  prom- 
inence, and  who  reaped  rich  harvests  from  such 
events.  These  men  were  MM.  de  Morny  and 
Rouher. 

I  have  already  sketched  the  character  of  M. 
de  Morny,  and  I  will  not  repeat  myself  here. 
It  is,  nevertheless,  impossible  for  me  to  write 
the  name  of  this  politician  without  recalling  the 
indignation  roused  by  my  estimate  of  his  his- 
toric ro/e,  at  the  time  when  I  first  made  public 
my  convictions.  Friends  who  were  somewhat 
too  fervent  sought  to  invalidate  my  statements  ; 
they  flatly  contradicted  the  story  which  repre- 
sents the  Emperor's  brother  as  involved,  not 
only  in  all  the  financial  problems  of  the  day,  but 
also  in  a  thousand  petty  intrigues. 

Despite  the  high  regard  in  which  his  admirers 
and  allies  hold  him,  M,  de  Morny  is,  neverthe- 
less, a  man  whose  character  justifies  such  a 
story  ;  the  following  letter  which,  in  1 8  50,  that 


1 88  NAPOLEON  III. 

is,  toward  the  close  of  his  political  career,  as  he 
stood  on  the  threshold  of  the  great  fortune 
which  was  to  be  his,  he  addressed  to  M.  de 
Ruoltz,  inventor  of  the  famous  jewellery,  will 
prove  to  the  reader  that  I  did  not  deceive  my- 
self in  regard  to  him,  or  collect  my  data  at 
random. 

In  the  margin  of  this  letter  was  written, 
"Received  September  6th,   1850." 

"  Wednesday." 
(Here  was  affixed  a  count's  coronet.) 

"  My  Dear  Ruoltz,"  —  the  letter  continued  —  "I 
have  seen  the  Devaux.  They,  together  with  myself  and 
Brown,  propose  to  buy  your  business  in  thirds,  paying 
down  now  ten  thousand  francs,  and  in  a  year  or  two  fifty 
thousand  more  if  the  enterprise  succeeds.  You  under- 
stand that  you  will,  in  this  case,  have  the  certainty  of 
said  amount  and  the  probability  of  one-third  with  me  in 
the  English  concern.  I  have  been  asked  to  lay  this  pro- 
posal before  you.  Let  me  hear  from  you  directly.  Reply 
that,  despite  the  arguments  which  I  present,  and  the  con- 
fidence which  I  feel  in  the  power  of  the  Maison  Devaux 
to  make  the  scheme  succeed,  and  the  difficulties  which  I 
have  presented,  you  nevertheless  feel  that  the  success 
obtained  in  France  warrants  great  expectations  in  Eng- 
land ;  that  certainly  you  have  need  of  cash,  but  are  not  in 
such  sore  straits  that  you  can  afford  to  sacrifice  an  offer 
like  this.  Say,  in  short,  that  you  consent,  out  of  consid- 
eration for  me,  to  interest  yourself  in  the  English  busi- 
ness, and  to  receive  twenty-four  thousand  francs  in  cash, 
while  you  leave  to  MM.  Devaux,  de  Morny,  and  Brown, 
permission  to  buy  out  the  business  here  within  eighteen 


M.  EUGENE  ROUHER.  1 89 

months  at  sixty  thousand  francs  additional,  or  to  give  you 
twenty-five  per  cent  of  the  net  proceeds. 

"  You  understand  that  by  such  a  reply  you  reject  my 
proposals  and  offer  me  new  conditions.  Write  me  such  a 
letter  as  early  as  possible,  that  I  may  close  up  affairs  with 
the  Maison  Devaux  upon  this  basis.  You  perceive  how 
necessary  it  is  to  settle  upon  some  definite  sum,  for  the 
interest  which  you  retain  through  me  is  the  same.  Write 
a  judicious  letter  and  address  it  to  me. 

TuLLY  Allan, 
Kincardine  on  the  Forth, 

Scotland. 

"  I  shall  show  your  letter  to  the  Devaux,  so  be  careful  to 
say  nothing  in  it  which  they  should  not  see.  If  you  have 
anything  of  a  private  nature  to  write,  use  a  separate  sheet. 

"  Good-bye  ;  I  write  you  in  great  haste. 

"  Most  cordially  yours, 

"  MORNY. 

"  Keep  this  letter." 

It  will  be  seen  that  before  placing  one's  con- 
fidence in  M.  de  Morny,  it  was  necessary  to 
know  him  well ;  nor  was  this  easy  to  do.  It 
will  also  be  seen  that  none  understood  better 
than  he  how  to  betray  those  who  trusted  in  his 
honesty ;  that  none  understood  better  than  he 
how  to  make  use  of  an  annoying  associate,  or 
one  from  whom  gold  was  to  be  had.  He  knew, 
too,  how  to  instruct  his  coadjutors  when  the 
question  concerned,  according  to  his  own  ex- 
pression, "  some  definite  sum." 


190  NAPOLEON  III. 

The  preceding  letter  hardly  admits  of  further 
illusions  regarding  the  personal  morality  of  M. 
de  Morny.  It  will,  I  trust,  put  an  end  to  the 
efforts  made  by  the  public  for  his  rehabilitation, 
efforts  which,  if  persisted  in,  are  likely  to  be- 
come grotesque  or  na'ifs. 

In  this  chapter  I  shall  not,  however,  pause  to 
consider  M.  de  Morny,  but  rather  seek  to  repre- 
sent the  character  of  M.  Eugene  Rouher,  a  man 
who,  starting  as  a  small  lawyer  in  Auvergne, 
became  vice-emperor ;  a  man  whose  broad 
mountaineer's  shoulders  were  not  yet  strong 
enough  to  bear  the  weight  of  the  many  respon- 
sibilities which,  in  consequence  of  his  own 
talents,  devolved  upon  him  ;  a  man  who,  gifted 
with  tenacity  of  purpose,  courage,  and  power, 
attained  his  heaven ;  but,  whether  angel  or 
demon,  was  one  day  hurled  from  Olympus  by 
a  mighty  blast  of  that  wind  of  which  Victor 
Hugo  sings,  a  wind  which  breaks  the  wings  of 
the  eagle,  and  interrupts  the  course  of  the  most 
brilliant  meteors. 

When  M.  Rouher  came  to  Paris  to  seek  his 
fortune,  it  was  not  in  the  character  of  a  local 
celebrity,  or  of  an  hidden  genius  that  he  ap- 
peared. He  turned,  however,  with  disdain  from 
his  lawyer's  career,  and  directed  his  attention 
immediately  toward  politics.      Of  humble  birth, 


M.  EUGENE  ROUHER.  191 

his  sympathies  were  called  forth  by  the  class  to 
which  he  by  parentage  belonged.  He  pro- 
claimed liberal  doctrines  and  was  a  fervent 
democrat ;  emperors  and  kings  had  no  more 
ardent  enemy  than  he.  We  should  not  be  too 
bitter  in  our  criticism  of  public  men  whose 
convictions  change  somewhat  with  the  course 
of  events.  I  mention  the  political  revolution  of 
M.  Rouher's  views  as  a  simple  fact,  and  add  no 
comment  on  it. 

M.  Rouher's  personal  appearance  remained 
for  some  years,  despite  the  cares  which  filled 
his  subsequent  life,  much  as  it  was  when  he 
first  appeared  before  public  notice.  He  was 
a  fine-looking  man,  with  a  stalwart  figure  and  a 
much  developed  chest.  His  aspect  would  have 
been  agreeable,  had  not  his  carriage  been  some- 
what ponderous,  and  his  manner  in  strange  con- 
trast to  the  dandified  clothes  which  he  wore. 
He  was  not  elegant  at  any  time.  He  was  one 
of  the  few  public  men  who  were  firm  in  their 
allegiance  to  the  Empress  Eugenie,  and  obedi- 
ent to  hei  every  command,  without  having,  as 
an  excuse  for  submission,  either  a  secret  or  an 
avowed  passion.  This  is  an  historic  fact  of  some 
psychologic  importance. 

At  the  time  that  he  pleaded  before  the  tri- 
bunal at  Riom,  M.  Rouher  held  advanced  prin- 


192  NAPOLEON  III. 

ciples  of  liberalism  ;  but  when  he  established 
himself  in  Paris  his  feelings  became  even  more 
emphatic  ;  and  when  in  1846,  and  later  in  1848, 
he  presented  himself  at  the  elections,  his  con- 
fession of  faith  indicated  a  marked  progress  in 
this  direction,  and  a  strong  sympathy  with  the 
masses. 

M.  Rouher  was  defeated  in  1846,  but  was 
elected  to  the  Chamber  in  1848,  and  became 
from  this  time  a  prominent  figure  in  the  world 
of  politics. 

Certain  letters  have  been  placed  in  my  hands 
which  were  written  by  M.  Rouher  after  his 
election  as  representative  of  the  people  in  1848. 
At  this  time  the  future  Minister  of  State  under 
the  Second  Empire  was  uncertain  whether  he 
should  love  or  hate  Louis  Napoleon  Bonaparte, 
and  the  letters  show  such  a  curious  state  of 
mind  on  the  part  of  their  author  that  I  shall 
quote  them  here.  The  first  of  these  was  writ- 
ten in  June,  1848,  and  is  addressed,  as  is  the 
subsequent  one,  to  M.  de  Latour,  mayor  of 
Clermont-Ferrand. 

"  French  Republic. 
Mayoralty-House  of  Paris. 
"  I  am  writing  you,"  runs  the  letter,  "  in  the  H6tel  de 
Ville,  during  the  few  moments  left  before  the  departure  of 
the  post.     My  day  has  been  spent  in  visiting  the  field- 
hospitals  and  the  advance  stations.    What  horrible  butch- 


M.  EUGENE  ROUHER.  1 93 

ery!  The  victory,  however,  is  ours,  or  will  be  ours. 
The  troops  are  arriving  from  every  side.  Of  all  wars  a 
civil  war  is  the  most  hideous.  All  will  be  over  this  even- 
ing or  some  time  during  the  day  to-morrow.  The  custom- 
house has  been  razed  by  Lamorici^re  with  incredible 
dauntlessness.  The  Faubourg  Saint-Antoine,  that  mighty 
fortress,  has  been  taken  after  a  long  and  brave  resistance. 
At  this  very  moment  — it  is  half-past  four  o'clock  —  news 
of  a  complete  victory  is  brought.  The  insurgents  made 
use  of  a  frightful  stratagem.  The  houses  along  the  block 
communicated  with  each  other,  and  our  captains  were 
secretly  murdered.  If  they  have  done  us  much  injury, 
they  have  also  brought  upon  themselves  awful  retribution. 
At  our  very  side  fifty  of  these  were  shot,  and  it  was  but 
by  dint  of  great  effort  that  we  saved  one  of  the  wounded 
from  being  thrown  into  the  water. 

"  The  killed  and  wounded  on  our  side  number  about 
seventeen  hundred  at  the  present  moment.  By  close  of 
the  day  the  insurgents  will  have  lost  an  equal  number. 

"  The  firing  continues  in  the  city,  and  all  about  us,  as 
I  write.  The  victory  gained  by  our  troops  is  announced. 
The  Garde-Mobile  showed  sublime  courage." 

Two  months  after  these  events  —  August  13, 
1848 — we  find  M,  Rouher's  interest  engrossed 
by  the  external  condition  of  the  country. 

"  These  questions,"  he  writes,  after  having  spoken  of 
the  elections  to  the  general  council;  "these  questions 
are,  no  doubt,  of  importance,  yet  they  can  but  appear 
secondary  when  compared  with  those  which  occupy  our 
attention  in  the  Assembly.  I  do  not  know  what  will  be 
the  issue  of  the  Italian  problem.  War,  that  awful  scourge, 
seems  to  me  imminent.  Our  course  in  the  matter  has 
been  most  unfortunate.     Instead  of  letting  things  rankle. 


194  NAPOLEON  in. 

as  we  have  done,  the  question  should  have  been  fairly 
submitted  to  Austria.  'Your  war  in  Italy,' we  should 
have  said  to  her,  '  will  involve  you  in  inextricable  diffi- 
culty. Vanquished  by  Charles  Albert,  you  will  be  forced 
to  abandon  your  rule  in  Italy ;  are  you  victorious,  you 
will  win  France  as  an  adversary.  Is  it  not  better  to  nego- 
tiate?' Austria,  disturbed  in  its  interior,  uncertain  of 
success,  would  in  this  case  have  accepted  diplomacy. 
To-day,  however,  the  victory  of  the  army  is  assured,  if  its 
march  upon  Turin  is  not  impeded.  Our  relations  with 
England  will  remain  as  they  are  for  some  time ;  but  when 
we  begin  to  speak  of  liberty,  she  will  grow  indifferent, 
and  slowly  withdraw,  leaving  us  to  face  Austria  and  Rus- 
sia, or  else  to  beat  an  ignominious  retreat. 

"The  debates  on  the  subject  are  not  of  a  nature  to 
help  the  situation.  This  struggle  which  to-day  has  be- 
come inevitable,  unless,  indeed,  we  purchase  our  escape 
by  an  act  of  cowardice,  will  be  one  of  great  violence,  for 
it  is  at  once  personal  and  political.  I  fear,  too,  that  the 
vote  will  not  show  us  to  be  the  stronger  power." 

We  find,  dated  during  the  same  month,  the 
following  lines,  written  in  a  somewhat  bitter 
spirit,  and  yet  with  a  certain  tone  of  satisfac- 
tion in  them. 

"  The  pretended  conspiracy  of  Girardin  has  ended  in  a 
liberation.  In  return,  the  executive  power  has  decided  to 
repress  the  paper  which  is  called  the  Represe7ita?it  du 
Peuple,  and  which  is  edited  by  our  dear  colleague.  Citizen 
Proudhon,  who  in  a  series  of  articles  had  resumed  the 
development  of  his  anti-socialistic  doctrines.  Plow  much, 
however,  can  we  hope  to  accomplish  by  these  measures 
when  confronted  by  the  immense  evil  which  we  are  called 
upon  to  overthrow?     The  government  is  acting  as  though 


M.  EUGENE  ROUHER.  195 

it  were  half  asleep.  This  is  a  moment  when,  to  encourage 
the  outbursts  of  confidence  which  are  making  themselves 
felt,  measures  should  be  taken  to  increase  the  credit  and 
the  circulation  upon  public  works.  Twenty  projects  of 
different  committees  have  come  to  a  standstill  through 
the  announcement  of  yet  another  scheme  which  shall 
combine  the  advantages  of  all  the  preceding  ones ;  but 
no  conclusion  is  reached.  It  would  be  an  act  of  strange 
self-deception  to  believe  that  order  is  fairly  established, 
and  in  delaying  its  consolidation  great  danger  is  in- 
curred." 

We  feel  in  these  lines  the  strength  of  the 
man  so  soon  to  become  a  public  authority.  M. 
Rouher  did  not  long  hold  the  liberal  views  which 
he  entertained  at  this  period.  One  year  after 
the  Revolution  of  1848  —  on  April  14,  1849  — 
he  turned  against  the  ultra-revolutionists. 

"  La  Montague,"  he  writes,  "  grows  more  and  more 
violent  as  we  approach  the  goal.  We  stand  facing  each 
other,  waiting  for  the  enemy  to  demand  leave-of-absence, 
that  we  may  disband. 

"  Consid(§rant  is  before  the  tribune.  He  has  read  us  a 
tremendous  socialistic  discourse,  to  which  we  had  the 
patience  to  listen.  Indulgence  and  sympathy  in  this 
unfortunate  country  are  only  called  forth  by  follies." 

In  July  of  this  same  year,  1849,  M.  Rouher 
again  turned  his  attention  to  the  foreign  policy 
of  France,  and  gave  expression  to  most  pes- 
simistic sentiments. 


196  NAPOLEON  III. 

"Our  diplomacy,"  he  cries,  "  has  been  strangely  pol- 
luted by  the  revolution  of  February,  Our  present  repre- 
sentatives to  foreign  nations,  those,  at  least,  who  occupy 
subordinate  positions,  bring  us  far  less  honour  than  dis- 
credit. Should  M.  de  Tocqueville  cleanse  the  Augean 
stables,  there  would  be  numerous  vacancies  made. 

"Politics  are  still  in  an  unsteady  condition.  They 
lack  air  and  horizon.  Despite  the  storms  which  have 
burst  over  our  heads,  the  atmosphere  remains  heavy,  and 
I  do  not  see  what  we  can  do  to  clear  it." 

This  correspondence  is  curious  and  interest- 
ing, inasmuch  as  it  gives  evidence  of  M.  Rou- 
her's  ■  accurate  and  keen  judgment  of  affairs. 
History  will  show  us  whether,  having  attained 
to  power,  he  preserved  in  the  execution  of  his 
political  designs  the  same  calm  insight  and 
practical  intelligence  which  at  this  time  dis- 
tinguished him. 

M.  Rouher,  despite  the  liberalism  of  his  early 
life,  and  despite  the  Olympian  mask  which  later 
circumstances  forced  upon  him,  was  during  the 
whole  course  of  his  career  a  plebeian  living  in 
constant  fear  of  the  Revolution.  His  private 
life,  at  least,  reveals  him  as  such  ;  and  it  is  said 
that  nature  finds  its  truest  reflection  in  our 
more  intimate  relations. 

Of  simple  habits  and  a  lover  of  old  traditions, 
the  powerful  minister  of  Napoleon  HI.  was 
wont,  after  public  and  parliamentary  discussions, 


M.  EUGENE  ROUHER.  1 97 

after  hours  spent  in  studying  questions  of 
government,  to  withdraw  to  his  own  fireside 
at  the  hour  of  curfew,  and  to  resume  there  the 
game  of  cards  interrupted  yesterday.  To  see 
him  then,  one  would  have  thought  him  a  mer- 
chant, who,  his  warehouse  closed,  had  come 
home  to  put  on  his  slippers  and  rest,  feeling 
well  content  with  the  day's  sales.  There  was 
nothing  in  his  bearing  at  such  times  to  sug- 
gest the  orator  who  a  few  hours  ago  had  held, 
by  the  power  of  his  language,  the  attention 
of  a  great  audience ;  nothing  to  suggest  the 
statesman  who  had  united  and  severed  nations, 
or  the  mighty  functionary  who  had  held  vehe- 
ment discussions  with  the  sovereign.  The 
doors  closed,  he  dealt  and  shuffled  the  cards 
in  his  great  fat  hands.  M.  Rouher  was  like 
the  good  plebeian  of  the  story,  who,  when  even- 
ing came,  locked  himself  within  the  house,  fear- 
ing thieves ;  and  who,  if  he  allowed  himself  to 
speak  at  all,  uttered  only  curses  against  the 
disturbers  of  public  peace,  who,  he  imagined, 
were  constantly  seeking  means  by  which  to 
rob  him  of  home  and  sustenance. 

M.  Rouher' s  bourgeois  temperament  colours 
his  whole  political  life.  He  strove  for  author- 
ity and  he  gained  it ;  but  was  his  motive  that 
of  most  men  who  reach  after  riches  and  power } 


198  NAPOLEON  III. 

Did  he  seek  through  these  the  accomplishment 
of  great  things  ?  Was  his  the  spirit  of  the 
artist  who  but  sees  in  his  advancement,  in 
the  authority  which  he  wins,  the  progressive 
and  the  increasing  power  of  his  art  ?  No  ;  M. 
Rouher  had  no  ideal  before  him  ;  he  played 
his  part  in  the  Second  Empire  with  no  trans- 
port of  feeling  or  subtle  joyousness  of  soul. 
He  took  a  boiwgeois  satisfaction  in  power  as 
other  men  of  his  rank  and  temperament  do 
in  commerce,  or  in  a  profession ;  with  him 
as  with  these  the  joy  lay  in  amassing  a  for- 
tune and  in  the  selfish  interest  of  a  goal  to 
be  attained. 

As  I  have  already  said,  M.  Rouher  was  at 
the  outset  a  liberal ;  yet  so  dry  and  methodical 
were  the  workings  of  his  mind  that  he  failed 
to  understand  Liberty.  The  ring  of  the  word 
enticed  him  as  it  does  all  youthful  spirits  ;  but, 
born  old,  his  allegiance  could  be  but  of  short 
duration.  The  passionate  words  which  Liberty, 
breathed  forth  frightened  him  ;  her  needs  and 
her  claims  filled  him  with  dismay ;  and  he  was 
glad  to  escape  from  her  tight  embrace,  from 
that  fierce  caress  which  had  very  nearly  brought ' 
ruin  upon  him.  He  trembled  as  a  child  trem- 
bles on  the  breast  of  a  stranger ;  he  grew  rigid 
in  her  arms,  and  never  ceased  to  feel  that  tight- 


M.  EUGENE  ROUHER.  1 99 

ening  of  the  skin  and  quiver  of  the  nerves 
which  her  kiss  had  occasioned.  It  was  like 
a  little  spot  of  goose-flesh  which  never  passed 
away. 

Having  arrived  at  his  goal,  having  attained 
the  legitimate  kingdom  of  his  personality,  his 
every  step  was  now  characterised  by  an  almost 
irrational  hatred  of  liberty ;  his  days  were 
passed  in  a  routine  of  duties  which  flattered  his 
love  of  authority,  and  was  in  harmony  with  the 
tastes  which  he  had  inherited  by  birth.  This 
hatred  and  this  routine  were  indeed  the  well- 
springs  of  his  oratorical  power. 

Magnificently  eloquent  M.  Rouher  was,  with- 
out a  doubt.  At  the  outset  of  his  career,  how- 
ever, there  was  nothing  in  his  speech  to  foretell 
the  power  which  was  in  him,  to  suggest  that 
marvellous  gift  of  language  which  became  so 
mighty  a  factor  in  the  influence  which  he  at- 
tained. At  the  time  when,  without  sincere 
conviction  or  enthusiasm,  M.  Rouher  advocated 
liberty,  his  voice  was  without  ring,  his  accents 
fell  cold  and  lifeless,  and  no  voice  was  raised 
in  answer  to  his  appeals.  It  was  not  until  he 
took  up  the  campaign  in  favour  of  absolutism 
that  he  developed  his  oratorical  gift.  From 
this  time,  however,  he  showed  himself  a  mag- 
nificent master  of  rhetoric.     He  had  to  combat 


200  NAPOLEON  III. 

men  of  immense  talent,  such  as  Jules  Favre, 
Jules  Simon,  and  Emile  Ollivier.  He  was  not 
content  to  use  against  these  men  merely  the 
weapon  of  his  own  governmental  endorsement 
signed  by  an  official  majority  ;  he  resolved  to 
rise  to  their  level,  to  crush  them.  In  this 
attitude  he  is  magnificent,  and  the  eloquence 
with  which  he  met  them  is  superb. 

His  attitude  was  that  of  a  wild  boar  before  a 
pack  of  hounds.  Squaring  his  great  shoulders, 
he  faced  them,  and  stood  there,  an  object  not 
to  be  moved,  an  impassable  barrier  between  the 
Emperor  and  the  masses,  between  the  people 
and  the  throne  ;  he  stood  like  a  living  rock,  in- 
tercepting the  paths  which  led  to  the  Tuileries. 
When  he  raised  his  great  fist,  and  set  free  the 
thunder  of  his  voice,  the  world  knew  that  an 
enemy  of  the  Empire  was  about  to  fall  to  the 
ground,  as  though  felled  by  the  stroke  of  a 
mighty  Titan. 

His  eloquence  was  in  harmony  with  his  spirit 
and  his  attitude.  Violent  and  argumentative, 
made  up  of  anathemas  and  again  of  heart-stir- 
ring sentences,  it  overpowered  completely  the 
oratory  of  the  enemies  of  Napoleon  HI.  ;  it 
held  the  attention  of  the  public,  it  dramatised 
the  dictates  of  conscience,  it  exalted  loyalty,  it 
carried  imagination  into  realms  where  are  built 


M.  EUGENE  ROUHER  201 

the  air-castles  of  the  world,  where  are  born 
those  wild  enthusiasms  in  which  is  no  ration- 
ality, and  which  preclude  all  argument. 

M.  Rouher's  oratory  was,  to  speak  justly, 
strong,  but  coarse  and  less  intellectual  than 
what  is  popularly  called  "taking."  He  sung 
the  praises  of  the  sovereign  whom  he  served, 
he  waved  the  red  flag  before  the  nation  ;  and 
in  his  every  harangue  used  this  double-edged 
sword,  which  had  been  sharpened  against  the 
whetstone  of  rhetoric.  At  a  period  when 
the  glory  of  the  Napoleonic  legend  filled  all 
minds,  at  a  period  when  the  masses  hesitated 
on  the  threshold  of  a  future  which  should  have 
no  Bonaparte  as  master,  it  was,  no  doubt,  easy 
to  win  public  sympathy  by  rousing  the  fear 
of  a  to-morrow  holding  no  certainty,  and  by 
catering  to  those  sentimental  feelings  which 
clustered  round  the  names  of  certain  historic 
characters.  That  M.  Rouher,  however,  knew 
how  to  turn  to  good  advantage  the  somewhat 
commonplace  methods  of  oratory  which  he  em- 
ployed is  indisputable.  As  he  showed  so  much 
talent  in  the  adaptation  and  use  of  these  meth- 
ods, it  surely  would  be  vain  to  discuss  their 
intrinsic  worth. 

It  was  not  till  after  the  death  of  M.  Billault 
that  M.  Rouher  occupied  a  place  of  any  great 


202  NAPOLEON  HI. 

importance  in  the  Tuileries.  M.  Billault  stood 
before  him  in  the  relation  of  a  rival,  one  who 
understood  the  position  which  he  wished  to 
occupy,  and  who  remained  an  obstacle  in  the 
way  of  his  political  development.  When,  how- 
ever, he  died,  the  power  of  M.  Rouher  declared 
and  emphasised  itself.  Confident  of  his  own 
abilities,  assured  of  docile  minds  in  the  super- 
numeraries who  paraded  the  stage  upon  which 
he  had  now  stepped,  he  placed  his  great,  nerve- 
less hand  on  the  shoulder  of  Napoleon  III.,  and 
from  this  time  forth  never  separated  himself 
from  the  Emperor,  He  mounted  steadily,  step 
by  step,  toward  power,  and  each  day  which 
passed  saw  his  influence  increase.  He  was 
helped,  too,  in  his  schemes  by  the  Empress, 
whose  tyrannical  ideas  were  in  harmony  with 
his  own.  He  became  her  habitual  and  loyal 
counsellor ;  he  organised  not  only  in  the  politi- 
cal world,  but  in  the  court  itself,  a  party  which 
swept  everything  before  it,  whose  rule  in  the 
Tuileries  was  absolute,  and  which  later,  when  it 
acquired  the  name  of  the  Empress's  party,  and 
adopting  an  almost  official  etiquette,  plunged 
the  country  into  ruin. 

The  Emperor,  whose  ideals  were  higher  than 
those  of  his  government,  whose  heart  was  nobler 
than   his   absolutism,  became  uneasy  when   he 


M.  EUGENE  ROUHER  203 

found  himself  thus  taken  possession  of.  Des- 
pite, however,  the  philosophical  dreams  by  which 
he  was  haunted,  he  fell  a  victim  to  M.  Rouher's 
charms.  He  still  stood  too  close  to  the  Coup 
d'Etat  to  discard  the  services  of  a  man  in  whom 
the  whole  doctrine  of  December  Second  seemed 
to  find  its  synthesis ;  he  was  still  too  widely 
separated  from  freedom  to  impede  this  man  in 
his  work.  He  placed  the  nation  in  the  power 
of  M.  Rouher,  and  awaited  the  results  of  his 
own  effacement. 

From  this  time  M.  Rouher  held  the  reins  of 
government,  and  reminds  us  of  a  charioteer, 
who,  regardless  of  the  ditches  which  may  inter- 
cept his  road,  drives  his  horses  on  at  a  mad 
speed. 

The  masses  were  full  of  discontent,  and 
through  them  was  felt  a  slight  stir  of  revolt. 
They  aspired  toward  a  political  state  more  con- 
formable to  public  sentiment ;  M.  Rouher  re- 
fused to  adopt  the  policy  for  which  they  longed, 
and  received  with  haughty  disdain  the  denuncia- 
tions which  made  themselves  heard  round  him 
like  the  distant  roll  of  thunder  when  yet  only 
an  occasional  flash  is  seen  in  the  sky. 

At  a  moment  when  the  role  which  France 
had  filled  in  the  Roman  question  seemed  to  be 
approaching  its  end,  he  encored   the  act,  and, 


204  NAPOLEON  III. 

submissive  to  the  wishes  of  the  Empress,  led 
it  on  to  its  most  tragic  scenes,  and  nearly  in- 
volved us  in  trouble  with  King  Victor  Emman- 
uel. Called  to  speak  publicly  concerning  the 
abandonment  of  Rome  by  the  Cabinet  of  the 
Tuileries,  an  action  which  was  much  desired  by 
statesmen,  and  also  by  the  nation  at  large,  he 
pronounced  that  terrible  word,  he  thundered 
forth  his  famous  "  Never,"  which  plunged  the 
Emperor  and  the  nation  into  difficulties  from 
which  they  were  not  to  emerge. 

In  analysing  even  superficially  the  course  of 
action  pursued  by  M.  Rouher,  we  can  hardly 
fail  to  ask  ourselves  whether  this  man  were 
truly  a  statesman  or  capable  of  directing  a 
government. 

Though  in  doing  so  I  place  myself  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  majority  of  those  who  have  studied 
M.  Rouher  in  his  long  career,  I  do  not  hesitate 
to  reply  that  this  all-powerful  minister,  this  vice- 
emperor,  was  not  capable  of  ruling  a  nation 
wisely,  was  not  a  statesman  in  the  truest  sense 
of  the  term. 

He  marched  toward  power  accompanied  by  a 
pride  unexcelled  in  the  annals  of  history ;  that 
same  pride  it  was  which  torments  the  parvenu 
when  he  has  attained  unwonted  riches.  He 
marched    toward    power    accompanied    by    the 


M.  EUGENE  ROUHER.  205 

martial  strains  of  dauntless  determination  not 
to  be  subdued.  He  broadened  his  own  person- 
ality that  there  should  be  no  place  at  his  side 
for  another  to  occupy.  Egoistic  and  avaricious 
of  authority,  he  appropriated  to  himself  all 
political  benefits,  and  was  unwilling  to  share 
with  others,  whoever  they  might  be,  any  portion 
of  them.  He  was  like  those  who,  having  with 
much  difficulty  acquired  a  fortune,  no  longer 
take  thought  for  others,  but  fear  to  spend  one 
penny  of  their  hard-earned  savings. 

His  politics  were  personal;  his  enjoyment  of 
power  lay  in  no  wish  to  bring  his  country  glory, 
or  to  ward  from  it  threatening  harm.  As  some 
men  are  selfish  in  their  love,  looking  upon  its 
object  simply  as  a  means  of  personal  gratifica- 
tion, and  having  in  their  heart  no  wish  to  share 
their  joy,  so  he  was  selfish  in  his  devotion  to 
politics. 

A  statesman  or  a  great  ruler  is  moved  by 
motives  other  than  these.  To  such,  too,  is  per- 
mitted that  consolation  for  the  weariness,  the 
struggle,  the  bitterness  of  life,  which  is  to  be 
sought  but  in  one  place,  the  holy  of  holies  ;  yet 
his  thought  and  ideals  should  be  directed  else- 
where. In  them  the  destiny  of  the  universe 
should  find  its  reflection.  Born  in  the  heart  of 
the  mountains,  M.  Rouher  had  constantly  before 


206  NAPOLEON  III. 

his  sight,  hke  a  gigantic  screen,  the  towering 
ranges  of  his  native  mountains  ;  his  view  had 
no  horizon,  no  expanse,  and  he  was  one  of 
those  who  measure  humanity  by  their  own 
shadow. 

A  day  came  when  France  found  itself  in- 
volved in  disaster.  Time  rolled  on,  and  brought 
in  its  train  the  memorable  year  1870,  the  echo 
of  whose  voice  was  lost  in  the  sound  of  lamenta- 
tion. M.  Rouher  was,  at  this  time,  as  I  shall 
better  explain  in  a  subsequent  chapter.  Presi- 
dent of  the  Senate,  and  less  occupied  than  usual 
with  political  responsibilities  ;  the  hour  seemed 
favourable  for  him  to  resume  power ;  and,  able 
to  avert  through  his  counsels  the  dangers  which 
threatened  the  country,  he  promised  to  lead  the 
people  on  to  victory  —  a  victory  which  to  him 
meant  the  fall  of  the  liberals  who  had  checked 
his  authority  in  the  government,  and  the  real- 
isation of  his  own  schemes.  M.  Rouher  became 
henceforth  the  grave-digger  of  the  Empire ;  he 
weaved  with  his  own  hands  the  funeral  veil 
which  now  replaced  upon  the  imperial  brows 
the  diadems  and  flowers  of  former  days.  He 
became  a  criminal,  for  he  sought  war ;  and  to 
seek  war  for  any  cause  but  the  one  greatest 
and  highest  cause,  is  to  commit  a  criminal 
act. 


M.  EUGENE  ROUHER.  20/ 

Though  the  authoritative  period  of  the 
Second  Empire  seems  to  find  its  embodiment 
in  M.  Rouher,  there  were,  nevertheless,  others 
who  co-operated  with  Napoleon  III.  There 
were  in  the  Emperor's  court  men  whose  diverse 
but  incontestable  powers  have  brought  them 
before  public  notice.  Among  these  were  such 
names  as  those  of  MM.  Chevreau,  Duvergier, 
Riche,  Jolibois,  Vuitry,  Haussmann,  de  Parieu, 
Persigny,  Walewski,  Magne,  Buffet,  de  Royer, 
Pinard,  Pietri,  Alfred  Leroux,  Segris,  Devienne, 
Emile  Ollivier,  La  Gueronniere,  and  others. 
M.  Rouher  amused  himself  one  day  by  analys- 
ing the  characters  of  these  men.  The  paper  on 
which  he  jotted  down  his  estimate  of  them  for 
the  inspection  of  the  Emperor  has  been  found, 
but  I  will  cite  here  only  a  few  of  his  comments. 

In  M.  Chevreau,  M.  Rouher  saw  «' the  justi- 
fication of  hope  for  true  parliamentary  ability  ;  " 
but  he  accuses  him  of  being  too  easily  led,  and 
adds  that  '' V odor  della  fejiiina  will  lead  him  far 
from  the  true  path." 

In  regard  to  M.  Rich6  he  inserts  the  follow- 
ing criticism  :  — 

"He  is  a  fine  orator  and  a  man  of  philosophical  and 
fertile  mind,  yet  lacking  in  decision  and  too  much  of  a 
dreamer;  he  suffers  from  disorder  of  the  stomach,  which 
manifests  itself  in  unnatural  appetites. 


208  NAPOLEON  III. 

"  The  nomination  of  M.  de  Persigny  or  of  M.  Walew- 
ski,"  he  continues,  "as  ministers  of  the  interior,  could 
only  be  accomplished  by  a  reversal  of  the  political  views 
at  present  held.  These  men  would  certainly  introduce 
into  the  ministry  elements  of  trouble  and  of  dissolu- 
tion. 

"M.  Buffet  has  the  spirit  of  a  doctrinaire,  and  yet  is 
always  undecided,  never  willing  to  lend  himself  wholly 
to  any  enterprise." 

M.  Rouher  is  more  explicit  in  regard  to  M. 
Pinard,  who  was  a  favourite  of  the  Empress,  and 
whose  influence  he  feared  upon  her  whom  he 
had  himself  undertaken  to  govern  and  over 
whom  he  kept  jealous  watch.  She  sometimes 
resented  his  tutelage,  and  tried  on  numerous 
occasions,  despite  the  sympathy  of  feeling  ex- 
isting between  herself  and  the  minister,  to  free 
herself  from  it. 

"M.  Pinard,"  said  M.  Rouher,  "is  a  magistrate  and 
an  orator,  who  has  won  some  reputation  at  the  palace 
and  in  the  Conseil  d'etat,  and  will  probably  give  evi- 
dence to  the  Legislative  Corps  of  his  oratorical  powers. 
As  a  parliamentarian  I  recommend  him  to  the  Emperor's 
notice.  To  launch  so  young  a  man,  however,  in  admin- 
istrative affairs"  (he  was  alluding  to  the  ministry  of  the 
interior)  "in  a  personnel,  in  labours  unfamiliar  to  him, 
to  give  him  a  voice  of  authority  in  a  difficult  problem, 
before  his  moral  sensibilities  are  thoroughly  developed 
and  established,  seems  rather  to  injure  than  to  serve  him. 
The  choice  of  M.  Pinard  would  involve  great  risks.  I  am, 
however,  convinced  that,  should  he  follow  a  less  danger- 


M.  EUGENE  ROUHER.  209 

ous  and  more  gradual  ascent,  and  hold  himself  aloof 
from  administrative  affairs,  for  which  he  is  generally  con- 
sidered incapable,  he  will  in  time  occupy  a  prominent 
place  in  the  Conseil  d'Etat  and  later  in  politics." 

As  our  attention  has  been  incidentally  at- 
tracted by  M.  Pinard,  I  beg  permission  to  de- 
vote to  him  a  few  words  of  a  personal  character. 

M,  Ernest  Pinard,  former  Minister  of  the 
Interior  under  Napoleon  III.,  published  only 
a  few  months  ago  some  memoirs,  after  the  read- 
ing of  which  I  am  forced  to  conclude  that  the 
anecdotal  portions  of  my  preceding  works, 
"  The  Empress  Eugenie,"  and  "  The  Court 
of  Napoleon  III.,"  have  not  been  altogether 
without  influence  on  the  statements  there 
brought  forth. 

M.  Pinard,  however,  not  satisfied  with  having 
drawn  upon  me  for  much  material,  directs  an 
attack  against  me  on  page  142,  §  i,  of  the  first 
volume  of  his  work, 

"  I  hear,"  writes  he,  "that  some  old  stories  are  being 
re-edited  to-day,  and  have  been  singularly  changed  since 
1870.  This  is  no  matter  of  surprise  to  me.  An  enter- 
taining narrative,  one  which  its  author  colours  to  suit  his 
own  taste,  is  pretty  sure  to  find  readers.  It  is  well  for 
the  author  who  wishes  to  coin  money  out  of  small  scan- 
dals;  for  the  Court  of  Napoleon  III.,  so  misjudged  by 
those  who  have  not  known  it,  possesses  an  ever  fresh 
interest  for  the  public." 


210  NAPOLEON  III. 

M.  Pinard,  one  of  the  most  powerful  and 
most  unwise  ministers  of  the  Second  Empire, 
has  remained  faithful,  faithful  to  the  verge 
of  blindness,  to  his  comrades  of  past  days. 
We  can  only  praise  so  excellent  a  loyalty,  but 
even  this  high  quality  of  soul  does  not  prove 
him  able  to  correct  the  documents  which  I  pos- 
sess concerning  the  Second  Empire. 

M.  Pinard,  during  his  ascent  to  power,  re- 
mained much  at  the  ministry  and  did  not  fre- 
quent the  court.  As  his  views  were  puritanical 
in  the  extreme,  he  held  himself  aloof  from  the 
frivolities  which  pervaded  the  habitual  circle 
of  friends  surrounding  the  Emperor  and  Em- 
press. Though  competent,  except  for  his  sys- 
tematic indulgence  of  persons  and  things,  to 
speak  of  the  political  world  to  which  he  be- 
longed, he  is  in  no  way  competent  to  discuss 
the  attitude  of  the  social  celebrities  of  either 
sex  which  crowded  the  Tuileries. 

I  have  for  some  years  been  in  the  habit  of 
meeting  M.  Pinard  at  the  home  of  the  Comte 

and  Comtesse  de  J D ,  whose  hospitable 

drawing-rooms,  situated  in  Rue  du  Mont-Thabor, 
were  open  to  their  devoted  friends,  and  which 
have  been  but  lately  closed  on  account  of  the 
tragic  death  of  the  Countess. 

M.  Pinard  knows,  being  aware  of  my  family 


M.  EUGENE  ROUHER.  2 1 1 

connection  with  one  of  the  keepers  of  the  seals 
under  Napoleon  III.,  that  I  am  well  informed 
concerning  the  affairs  of  the  Second  Empire. 
He  knows  also  the  authentic  value  of  the  docu- 
ments in  my  possession.  His  attack  is,  there- 
fore, but  a  conventional  defence,  inspired  by 
feelings  of  gratitude  toward  his  former  co- 
workers. 

Why,  however,  in  the  lines  which  he  devotes 
to  me,  does  he  bring  forward  the  question  of 
money,  which  is  certainly  of  an  importance  quite 
foreign  to  that  of  history } 

It  is  no  secret  that  a  writer  negotiates  with 
his  publishers,  and  receives  from  them  the  pro- 
ceeds which,  as  an  author,  are  due  to  him.  Will 
M.  Pinard  permit  me  to  ask  whether,  in  his  own 
case,  he  has  refused  all  remuneration  for  his 
work  .-*  To  suppose  that  he  himself  undertakes 
the  expense  involved  in  the  publication  of  his 
books,  would  be  to  suggest  a  lack  of  confidence 
on  the  part  of  his  publishers.  His  own  attitude 
surely  proves  the  foolishness  of  the  argument, 
and  I  wonder  that  M.  Pinard  did  not  make  use 
of  a  better  one. 

I  return  to  the  character  sketches  of  M. 
Rouher. 

M.  Emile  Ollivier  is  the  object  of  severe  crit- 
icism. 


212  NAPOLEON  III. 

"  M.  Emile  Olliver,"  sa3's  M.  Rouher,  "  is  full  of  en- 
thusiasm, and  labours  heartily  in  the  cause  which  he  un- 
dertakes ;  his  is  a  versatile  nature,  whose  liberality  is 
checked  by  an  unfortunate  infatuation,  and  whose  useful- 
ness is  impeded  by  certain  hostile  and  advanced  views 
which  he  holds  upon  political  questions.  Far  from  con- 
forming to  my  feelings,  he  has  become  more  strongly 
than  ever  partner  of  the  hostilities  directed  against  me  by 
M.  Walewski.  He  singled  me  out  for  criticism  in  the 
Chamber,  at  the  time  when  the  former  President  of  the 
Legislative  Corps  came  out  against  me  in  a  journal.  I 
know,  however,  that  these  are  but  straw  fires,  which  a 
few  favours  will  serve  to  extinguish." 

Of  M.  Gueronniere  he  speaks  highly. 

"  His  fortune  is,"  writes  he,  "  somewhat  embarrassed." 
He  then  advises  the  government  to  give  him  an  embassy ; 
"  for,"  he  adds,  "he  is  a  man  whose  support  the  nation 
cannot  afford  to  lose." 

These  are  the  principal  features  of  the  criti- 
cisms made  by  M.  Rouher  of  the  politicians  by 
whom  the  Emperor  was  surrounded,  and  whose 
access  to  power  he  himself  had  cause  to  fear. 
His  scheme  was  to  cast  upon  them  no  real  dis- 
credit, but  to  place  them,  by  this  rapid  analysis, 
on  a  decidedly  secondary  plane  in  the  estima- 
tion of  the  Emperor.  His  bourgeois  tempera- 
ment was,  indeed,  consistent  in  all  its  parts,  and 
was  characterised  by  prudence  as  well  as  by 
excessive  joviality. 


M.  EUGENE  ROUHER.  21 1 

In  a  chapter  specially  devoted  to  the  declara- 
tion of  war  in  1870,  I  shall,  as  I  have  already 
stated,  make  known  the  role  which  M.  Rouher 
filled  at  that  time.  He  was  one  of  the  most 
fervent  advocates  of  war  ;  and  it  was  he  who, 
summoned  before  the  Emperor  after  a  first  de- 
feat, prevented  his  re-entering  Paris,  drove  him 
toward  the  frontiers,  and  forced  Sedan  upon 
him — Sedan,  where  the  Emperor  met  with  po- 
litical death,  where  he  was  crushed  by  the  most 
cruel  misfortune  of  modern  times. 

On  the  4th  of  September,  having  returned 
from  his  travels,  M.  Rouher  occupied  the  presi- 
dential seat  in  the  Senate ;  ignorant  of  the 
troubles  which  were  agitating  the  nation  at 
large,  blinded  by  the  pride  which  always  char- 
acterised him,  he  denied  the  disturbed  condi- 
tion of  affairs,  denied  the  revolution,  and  finally 
closed  the  session,  despite  the  voices  of  the 
anxious  dignitaries  who  surrounded  him. 

"  Messieurs,"  said  he  in  a  tone  of  fine  irony, 
which  betrayed,  however,  startling  ignorance, 
"  Messieurs,  we  will  discuss  this  question  to- 
morrow." 

Having  pronounced  these  words,  which  have 
in  them  a  certain  ring  of  grandeur,  and  which  are 
among  those  which  history  records  with  pride, 
it  might  have  been  deemed  praiseworthy  to  pre- 


214  NAPOLEON  III. 

sent  himself  before  the  Senate  on  the  morrow, 
and  to  force  the  door  of  the  chamber  of  delib- 
eration, which  had  been  closed  against  him. 
M.  Rouher,  however,  did  not  wait  till  the  mor- 
row, but  rested  his  dignity  on  the  words  we 
have  quoted,  and  on  the  very  evening  of  Sep- 
tember 4th  fled,  evading  the  search  of  the  in- 
dignant people,  that  people  which  for  so  many 
years  he  had  scorned  and  trampled  on. 

Why,  however,  should  we  dwell  too  much 
upon  the  failings  of  humanity  .-*  Do  not  these 
form  the  basis  of  the  philosophy  of  empires  } 
Is  it  not  these  which  tarnish  the  gilt  of  thrones  ^ 
The  lion  is  glad  to  emerge  from  his  den,  the 
eagle  to  descend  from  his  eyrie,  and  to  rest  for 
a  moment  on  the  dunghill.  In  the  palaces  of 
emperors  and  of  kings,  crimes  and  shame  are 
found  as  elsewhere,  and  we  are  foolish  to  be 
surprised  or  indignant  at  them. 

After  the  war  and  the  fall  of  the  imperial 
dynasty,  M.  Rouher  came  up  before  the  elec- 
tions of  the  National  Assembly,  and  was  sent 
to  Versailles  in  the  quality  of  deputy.  I  have 
already  told  a  story  relative  to  that  memorable 
session,  in  which  he  dared  with  much  courage 
to  defend  the  sovereign  whom  he  had  served. 
His  political  ivle  was,  however,  at  its  end,  and 
he    made   no   attempt    in   subsequent  years  to 


M.  EUGENE  ROUHER.  2 1  5 

resume  his  former  career.  His  voice  was,  how- 
ever, heard  in  affairs  of  commerce  and  in  eco- 
nomic questions  ;  and  his  true  abiHties  in  these 
directions  secured  him,  despite  the  hostility  pro- 
voked by  the  bare  mention  of  his  name,  respect 
in  parliament,  and  praise  from  his  most  bitter 
enemies. 

He  was  at  this  period  the  chief  counsellor  of 
the  exiled  sovereigns,  and  became,  when  the 
Emperor  died,  the  mouthpiece  of  the  Empress. 
All  his  powers  were  directed  toward  the  resto- 
ration of  the  Empire,  and  his  energies  employed 
in  preparations  which  would  make  this  restora- 
tion possible.  For  this  reason  he  disapproved 
of  the  departure  of  the  Prince  Imperial  for 
Zululand,  and  in  his  despair  implored  the  Em- 
press to  oppose  the  scheme.  Destiny  had, 
however,  cast  the  dice,  and  M.  Rouher  had  no 
longer  control  over  its  ruling  hand. 

I  have  already  given,  with  the  independence 
and  the  impartiality  by  which  I  always  seek  to 
characterise  my  writing,  my  estimate  of  M. 
Rouher.  It  is,  however,  important  to  state 
that  this  man,  through  whose  hands  passed 
thousands  of  millions  of  francs,  had  a  high 
standard  of  honour  and  was  of  unimpeachable 
honesty.  Poor  when  he  entered  political  life, 
greatness  and  power  left  him  at  the  last  without 


2l6  NAPOLEON  III. 

a  fortune,  and  it  was  with  empty  pockets  that, 
in  the  downfall  of  1870,  he  sank  with  the 
Empire.  It  may  seem  strange  to  extol  a  man's 
honesty  ;  it  may  be  deemed  unnecessary  to  search 
his  clothing  lest,  haply,  there  should  be  hid  in 
its  lining  money  dishonestly  acquired,  and  to 
visit  his  home  and  force  his  safe,  there  to  seek 
the  source  of  his  revenues.  At  times,  neverthe- 
less, of  public  agitation,  at  times  when  the 
clink  of  gold  is  accompanied  by  the  sound  of 
many  disturbances,  curiosity  is  natural,  and 
the  homage  paid  to  an  honest  man  comes  to 
have  a  double  worth. 

Through  the  midst  of  the  luxury  and  of  the 
riches  of  the  Second  Empire,  through  the  midst 
of  that  luxury  by  which  so  many  were  made 
dizzy,  and  of  those  millions  which  were  show- 
ered on  the  nation's  representatives,  M.  Rouher 
passed  with  uncorrupted  honour,  taking  with  him 
only  his  paraphernalia  of  bourgeois  excellence. 
If  his  politics  were  not  faultless,  if  his  attitude 
before  the  masses  was  criminal,  though  by  pro- 
fession he  was  a  slave-driver  of  consciences,  and 
a  bitter  enemy  of  liberty,  though  in  his  blind- 
ness and  in  the  final  expression  of  his  pride  he 
failed,  standing  in  the  shadow  of  the  Empress, 
to  see  the  disasters  which  were  threatening  our 
country,  he  still  remains,  in  the  sight  of  history. 


M.  EUGENE  ROUHER.  21/ 

unsullied  by  his  contact  with  money,  his  char- 
acter free  from  the  stamp  of  the  coin. 

Through  the  sensual  extravagance  of  the 
Second  Empire  he  also  passed  calm  and  in- 
different. Of  Puritan  principles,  the  license 
practiced  in  the  Tuileries,  which  he  only  visited 
officially,  met  with  his  disapproval  —  or  was  he, 
perhaps,  unconscious  of  it  ?  Of  an  unimpas- 
sioned  temperament,  and  unenticed  by  the  pleas- 
ures of  the  flesh,  it  would  not  be  strange  had 
he  been  ignorant  of  the  wild  extravagances  of 
love  which  pervaded  every  corner  of  the  Tui- 
leries. Is  not,  indeed,  the  very  perception,  the 
very  condemnation,  of  sensuality,  an  expression 
of  that  same  quality  .-* 

There  are  men  whom  death  seems  to  exalt, 
whose  graves  one  views  expecting  to  see  rise 
from  them  some  mighty  spirit.  M.  Rouher  is 
not  one  of  these.  As  an  object  is  magnified  in 
a  mirage,  so  in  triumph  his  personality  appeared 
colossal.  In  the  moral  agony  of  the  Empire  it 
assumed  its  just  proportions,  which,  in  the 
years  to  come,  are  destined  to  shrink  little  by 
little. 

I  have  said  that  M.  Rouher  remained  a  ple- 
beian, even  in  the  most  vigorous  expression  of 
his  authority.  He  was,  in  the  midst  of  his 
power,  like  a  jolly  peasant,  who,  having  on  one 


21 8  NAPOLEON  III. 

happy  day  gained  an  immense  fortune  in  a 
lottery,  places  it  under  lock  and  key,  caring 
little  to  put  it  into  active  circulation,  or  to  find 
for  it  an  useful  expenditure.  To  M.  Rouher, 
who  thus  hoarded  the  power  which  was  his, 
history,  scornful  of  vain  enthusiasms  and  of 
party  exaggerations,  accords  but  one  luminous 
ray  in  that  firmament  of  suns  where  is  reflected 
the  genius  of  those  who  have  travelled  over  the 
earth,  and  who,  like  flashing  meteors,  or  else  in 
the  calm  course  of  their  orbits,  have  crossed  the 
path  of  humanity. 


M.  EMILE  OLLH^JER.  219 


VII. 

M.    EMILE    OLLIVIER. 

The  name  of  M.  Emile  Ollivier  is  among 
those  which  one  can  but  write  with  fear  and 
trembling ;  it  provokes,  even  to-day,  feelings  of 
resentment  and  words  of  malediction.  Those 
who  judge  men  only  by  the  external  aspect  of 
their  lives,  persist  in  associating  the  name  of 
M.  Emile  Ollivier  with  the  disasters  of  1870  ; 
they  hold  him  responsible  for  the  horrors  of 
that  year ;  through  the  ignorant  and  foolish 
prejudice  by  which  they  are  controlled,  they 
make  him  the  cause  of  their  despair,  the  object 
of  their  hatred.  It  requires,  therefore,  some 
courage  to  present  him  in  a  true  light  before  the 
public,  and  to  state  at  the  outset  that  this  man, 
falsely  judged,  falsely  understood,  or  else  the 
victim  of  hypocrisy  and  of  political  lies,  which 
in  the  parliamentary  world  are  far  too  frequent, 
merits  neither  hatred,  curses,  nor  resentment ; 
that  he  is  above  every  insult  which  has  touched 
him  ;  and  that  he  was,  and  is  still,  one  of  the 
greatest  legislators  of  our  time. 


220  NAPOLEON  III. 

It  is  known  with  what  freedom  from  prejudice 
I  have  studied  the  men  and  the  affairs  of  the 
Second  Empire.  The  more  dangerous  my 
subject,  the  more  faithful  to  my  convictions  I 
feel  that  I  should  be.  I  shall  not,  therefore, 
on  this  occasion  abandon  my  habitual  mode 
of  treatment,  but,  holding  myself  aloof  from  re- 
criminations as  from  excessive  praise,  I  shall 
express  with  all  that  impartiality  which  I  have 
imposed  upon  myself,  my  true  feeling  in  regard 
to  M.  Emile  Ollivier.  In  so  doing  I  not  only 
satisfy  my  sense  of  self-respect,  but  must  hope 
to  win  the  confidence  of  the  public  as  I  could 
not  do  by  entering  into  an  impassioned  argu- 
ment. 

Before  personifying  the  liberal  spirit  of  the 
Empire,  M.  Emile  Ollivier  was  for  a  long  time 
the  authoritative  and  eloquent  advocate  of  un- 
qualified liberty  among  the  people.  The  oppo- 
sition which  he  waged  against  the  Empire  was 
of  a  peculiar  nature.  While  his  political  co- 
workers adhered  to  their  former  programmes 
and  to  republican  principles,  M.  Emile  Ollivier 
preserved  his  independence  from  any  too  dis- 
tinctly organised  line  of  conduct,  and  never 
ceased  to  affirm  that  the  war  which  at  the  pres- 
ent moment  he  waged  against  the  Tuileries  was 


M.   EMILE   OLLiyiER.  221 

by  no  means  without  promise  of  happy  termina- 
tion, and  that  he  was  wilHng  to  rehnquish  it  the 
first  moment  that  the  imperial  government  con- 
sented to  modify  its  r^ghne  in  accordance  with 
the  progressive  ideas  of  the  time.  When,  at  a 
future  day,  M.  Emile  Ollivier  expressed  his  sat- 
isfaction with  the  liberal  policy  adopted  by  the 
Emperor  Napoleon  III.,  he  was  accused  of  aban- 
doning his  former  principles.  Such  an  accusa- 
tion is,  however,  a  great  injustice ;  he  was  at 
that  time  thoroughly  consistent  with  his  atti- 
tude in  the  past,  and  but  put  into  practical 
execution  sentiments  which  he  had  hitherto 
expressed. 

The  famous  "  Five,"  whose  leader,  together 
with  M.  Jules  Favres,  he  was,  shared  his  feeling 
at  that  time.  MM.  H6non  and  Darimon  were 
frequent  visitors  at  the  Palais-Royal,  but  felt  no 
fear  in  appearing  in  the  presence  of  the  Em- 
peror, while  M.  Ernest  Picard,  a  man  of  intelli- 
gence, and  ungoverned  by  prejudice,  would  not 
unwillingly  have  become  a  co-worker  with  Napo- 
leon III.  When,  indeed,  war  broke  out  in  1870, 
he  was  nominated  as  senator,  and  his  name  pre- 
sented to  the  sovereign. 

It  should,  however,  be  stated  that  among  these 
men  M.  Jules  Favre  alone  maintained  to  the  last 
the  convictions  of  his  life,  and  made  no  pretence 


222  NAPOLEON  III. 

of  making  peace  with  the  Empire ;  he  held  firmly, 
under  the  new  order  of  things,  as  in  the  old  days 
of  December  Second,  to  his  republican  creed, 
and  neither  his  words  nor  his  public  acts  ad- 
mitted of  the  slightest  equivocation. 

The  voice  of  M.  Jules  Favre  carried  with  it 
great  weight  in  the  parliamentary  discussions 
of  the  Second  Empire,  and  was  one  of  strong 
influence  in  the  opposition  movement.  Although 
this  chapter  belongs  properly  to  M.  Emile  Olli- 
vier,  at  one  time  his  friend,  but  who  afterwards 
became  his  rival  and  his  enemy,  it  has  seemed 
to  me  necessary  to  pause  and  consider  him. 

M.  Jules  Favre  was  an  orator  of  true  power, 
and  the  charm  of  his  voice  is  still  remembered. 
This  voice  was,  however,  capable  of  fierce  tones 
in  which  a  vehement  and  savage  oratory  found 
expression  ;  at  a  time  when  men  were  still  liable 
to  parliamentary  challenge,  and  when  the  enthu- 
siasm of  the  masses  was  unroused  by  the  course 
of  events,  his  eloquence  stirred  them,  and  in- 
spired their  minds  with  hope  and  with  ambition  ; 
their  eyes  magnified  him  who  was  thus  their 
friend,  as  a  child's  thought  magnifies  the  great- 
ness of  some  fabulous  hero  whose  wild  adven- 
tures have  been  recounted. 

Sessions  of  any  solemnity  at  the  Palais-Bour- 
bon, sessions   during  which  political  questions 


M.  EMILE  OLLIVIER.  223 

were  exclusively  discussed,  were  most  rare  under 
the  Second  Empire ;  but  when  they  did  occur, 
M.  Jules  Favre  assumed  a  curious  and  interest- 
ing attitude. 

This  man,  who  knew  so  well  how  to  address 
the  people,  had  an  instinctive  dislike  of  a  multi- 
tude. On  the  days  when  he  was  to  speak,  he 
hastened  to  the  Legislative  Corps  before  the 
doors  were  opened,  and  withdrew  to  an  ante- 
room, where  he  sought  to  collect  his  powers. 
Stretched  on  a  lounge,  or  reclining  in  an  arm- 
chair, his  large  portfolio  upon  his  knees,  he 
meditated  upon  his  coming  address.  From 
time  to  time  an  awful  grimace  would  distort 
his  mouth  —  that  satanic  mouth,  in  which  the 
tongue  of  anger  would  seem  to  play,  and  at 
the  same  time  kisses  to  linger ;  that  famous 
mouth,  which  could  express  with  equal  force 
hatred  and  love.  With  his  right  hand,  white 
and  delicately  veined  like  that  of  a  woman,  he 
stroked  gently  his  long  beard,  in  which  were 
some  streaks  of  grey.  From  time  to  time  he 
would  shake  back  his  long,  thick  masses  of  hair, 
and  then  become  motionless  once  more,  absently 
listening  to  the  distant  stir  of  life,  cradled  vo- 
luptuously in  his  dream,  in  his  power  and  in 
his  popularity. 

He  would  then  emerge  from  his  retreat,  and 


224  NAPOLEON  III. 

proceed  toward  the  assembly-room,  to  see  if  his 
audience  were  fully  gathered.  Satisfied  as  to 
this,  and  winning  more  than  one  admiring 
glance,  as  also  more  than  one  expression  of 
hostility,  he  would  slowly  traverse  the  semi- 
circle. The  public  responded  eagerly  when  it 
heard  that  he  was  to  speak.  Ambassadors, 
statesmen,  princes  of  the  blood,  electioneers, 
noisy  financiers,  the  great  women  of  fashion, 
women  prominent  in  politics,  enthusiasts  from 
the  lower  classes,  and  the  great  courtiers  of  the 
day,  alike  bowed  down  before  him,  and  cast  upon 
him  glances  of  admiration  and  smiles  of  favor 
as  he  passed.  He  heard  every  slightest  remark 
which  was  exchanged  ;  and  under  this  rain  of 
words  and  of  tender  glances,  he  drew  himself 
up  with  a  delicious  sense  of  satisfaction,  as  if 
he  would  encore  it  all,  his  heart  exalted  by  the 
force  of  pride.  The  perfumes  which  filled  the 
room,  the  toilettes  which  were  about  him, 
the  bated  breath,  the  women  who  waited  in 
eager  expectation  and  with  heaving  breasts,  in- 
toxicated him.  He  breathed  in  the  fragrance 
of  the  room,  his  lips  quivered  as  under  the  pres- 
sure of  a  kiss,  when  he  saw  the  approving  smiles 
which  were  showered  upon  him  ;  a  sensual  ecs- 
tasy took  possession  of  his  mind  and  body ;  he 
stumbled  in  passing  out  of  the  hall,  and  when 


M.   EMILE   OLLll/IER.  225 

he  was  once  again  in  the  ante-room,  he  sank 
down,  exhausted,  with  a  long,  deep  sigh. 

He  was  superb  when  standing  in  the  tribune. 
His  huge  figure  commanded  the  admiration  of 
the  Assembly ;  his  broad  shoulders  seemed  to 
fill,  nay,  to  outflank,  if  I  may  so  speak,  this 
tribune,  which  grew  too  narrow  for  him.  His 
sleek  white  hands  played  along  its  edge  in  ner- 
vous unrest.  He  directed  one  glance  toward 
the  crowded  benches  of  the  hall,  toward  the 
galleries  filled  with  those  who  had  come  to 
hear  him,  then  gathered  himself  together,  and 
in  accents  dull  and  monotonous  at  the  outset, 
and  vibrating  with  emotion  as  he  continued, 
M.  Jules  Favre  spoke. 

Slowly  and  at  length  he  unfolded  the  sub- 
ject of  his  discourse,  considering  in  its  minutest 
details  the  subject  which  interested  him.  At 
times  his  mouth  was  distorted  by  that  strange, 
characteristic  grimace,  and  he  would  break  out 
into  violent  expressions.  He  revelled  in  the 
sound  of  applause  which  filled  the  left  wing  of 
the  room.  His  voice  became  more  urgent, 
more  bitter ;  and  it  was  with  a  sort  of  death- 
rattle  in  his  throat  that  he  described  the 
tyranny,  the  moral  agony,  in  which  he  claimed 
that  the  country  was  dying.  A  smile  would 
then  return  to  his  lips  as  he  assumed  a  tone 


226  NAPOLEON  III. 

of  mockery,  and  exchanged  the  dagger  of  hatred 
for  the  corded  lash  of  sarcasm  ;  then,  suddenly, 
he  would  break  forth  once  more  into  fury.  He 
walked  up  and  down  in  the  great  tribune,  which 
creaked  under  his  steps.  His  arm  extended 
as  though  to  indicate  an  enemy,  had  an  awful 
fascination ;  his  nostrils  dilated,  his  eyelids 
opened  and  shut  in  a  weird,  grotesque  way, 
while  his  chest  heaved  and  swelled  like  a 
smithy's  forge.  Every  now  and  then  one  of 
his  strange,  rough  gutturals  would  interrupt  a 
sentence,  breaking  into  it  like  an  hiccough. 
His  body  thrown  backward,  his  hand  thrust 
forward  with  a  threatening  gesture,  none  knew 
better  than  he  how  to  curse  and  to  imprecate. 
His  dark  face  became  purple,  the  blood  mounted 
to  his  neck,  his  hair  fell  in  tangled  masses  over 
his  forehead,  while  the  grimace  on  his  mouth 
became  convulsive. 

His  perorations  were  marvellous.  His  ex- 
citement increased  toward  the  close  of  his 
discourse,  but  it  was  no  longer  anger  or  hatred 
which  inspired  him  ;  he  abandoned  for  a  mo- 
ment the  narrow  radius  of  his  subject,  and 
generalised  the  whole  problem  which  he  was 
treating,  his  accents  growing  gentle  as  he  spoke 
of  liberty.  He  felt  a  thrill  of  voluptuous  joy, 
he  caressed  liberty  as  does  a  man  the  woman 


M.   EMILE   OLLiyiER.  22/ 

whom  he  loves ;  he  adorned  it  and  made  it 
beautiful,  he  depicted  it  under  its  most  seduc- 
tive aspects,  he  loved  it  as  a  serpent  loves  a 
bowl  of  milk.  His  audience  listened  to  him 
astonished.  Suddenly  he  raised  a  last  cry,  a 
shudder  shook  him,  a  spasm  controlled  his 
whole  frame.  He  then  brought  his  address  to 
an  end,  and  in  his  final  sentences  rang,  as  it 
were,  prophetic  despair  and  anguish.  He  for- 
got the  great  hall  and  his  colleagues.  The  peo- 
ple, however,  could  hear  him  none  the  less,  and 
it  was  well  for  them  that  he  spoke.  When 
at  last  he  was  silent,  he  still  remained  for  a 
moment  in  the  tribune  as  though  riveted  there, 
as  though  fascinated  by  the  strange  ecstasy 
which  had  taken  possession  of  him. 

There  were  few  republican  salons  under  the 
Second  Empire ;  and  the  men  of  the  opposition 
gathered  for  conference  either  in  the  ofifices  of 
some  of  those  few  journals  which  were  bold 
enough  to  oppose  the  policy  of  the  Tuileries, 
or  else  at  the  home  of  one  of  the  members. 
M.  Jules  Favre  was  among  those  who  thus 
received  his  friends,  studying  with  them  the 
questions  of  the  day,  and  determining  their 
attitude  in  public  debates. 

He  was  the  recognised  and  respected  leader 
of  the  liberal  party,  to  whom  the  heads  of  cer- 


2  28  NAPOLEON  III. 

tain  cliques  and  many  parliamentarians  came, 
especially  during  the  last  days  of  the  Empire, 
to  receive  orders  before  giving  'battle.  They 
issued  from  such  conferences  armed  and  in- 
structed, moulded  according  to  his  wishes, 
submissive  ,to  his  views,  charmed,  too,  and 
anointed  for  the  battle  like  the  athletes  of 
ancient  days.  Old  and  young  listened  to  his 
sacred  words  —  the  young  for  the  sake  of  im- 
buing their  hopes  with  a  new  enthusiasm,  the 
old  to  strengthen  their  convictions,  which, 
through  a  continual  course  of  disappointments, 
at  times  wavered. 

When  the  Empire  adopted  its  liberal  policy, 
and  when  M.  Emile  Ollivier  took  direction  of 
the  new  movement,  M.  Jules  Favre  was  filled 
with  both  surprise  and  fear,  —  with  surprise  be- 
cause his  rival  had  outstripped  him  in  the  race 
after  power,  with  fear  because  new  complica- 
tions threatened,  whose  results  he  could  not 
foretell. 

When  M.  Emile  Ollivier,  son  of  the  pro- 
script,  became  an  advocate  of  the  Empire,  the 
ranks  of  the  republican  opposition  felt  that  they 
had  received  their  death-blow.  He  had  a  com- 
manding figure,  a  large,  thick  mouth,  and  eyes 
hidden  by  enormous  glasses ;  but  behind  his 
cold  personality  lay  a  violent  temperament  and 


M.   EMILE  OLLiyiER.  229 

terrible  passions.  His  attitude  in  the  tribune 
was  as  authoritative  as  was  that  of  M.  Jules 
Favre,  who,  from  the  outset,  realised  that  he 
should  sometime  hate  this  man. 

There  was  another  obstacle  in  the  way  of  M. 
Jules  Favre's  personal  aggrandisement.  On 
the  horizon  of  the  poHtical  world,  or  more 
properly  of  the  republican  world,  a  dangerous 
man  arose,  whose  earnest  and  powerful  words 
attracted  the  attention  of  the  public,  and  gave 
birth  to  new  hopes  and  enthusiasms.  This 
man  was  M.  Leon  Gambetta ;  and  M.  Jules 
Favre,  though  he  received  him  with  every  ap- 
pearance of  joy,  was  frightened  by  the  popularity 
which  he  won,  and  by  the  consequent  lessening 
of  his  own. 

M.  Leon  Gambetta  was  such  a  character  as 
one  calls  a  "type."  He  arrived  in  Paris  from 
the  south  of  France,  where  he  was  born  ;  and 
there,  for  a  time  lost  in  the  crowd,  he  watched 
and  waited.  A  Jupiter  Tonans  of  breweries 
and  of  wine-cellars,  he  won  the  reputation  of  a 
statesman  in  the  narrow  streets  and  small  hos- 
telries  of  the  Latin  Quarter.  One  fine  day, 
however,  he  went  before  the  bar  to  plead  in  a 
political  suit,  and  one  evening  he  made  his 
voice  heard  in  an  electoral  reunion,  where  he 
exposed  a  complete   programme  of    social    re- 


230  NAPOLEON  III. 

forms.  He  won  on  these  occasions  the  appro- 
bation of  the  people,  helped  somewhat  by  his 
southern  bombast.  He  insured  his  nomination 
to  the  deputation,  and  was  at  the  end  elected. 
Despite  his  fretful  voice  and  his  emaciated 
body,  he  acquired  an  immediate  and  a  real 
authority. 

His  manners  in  society  were  peculiar  to  him- 
self. He  walked  on  wax  floors  with  his  legs 
wide  apart  to  prevent  slipping.  When  he  per- 
ceived a  friend  or  an  acquaintance  across  the 
room,  he  would  call  out,  "Te!"  He  was  very 
familiar  in  his  gestures,  and  would  seize  those 
to  whom  he  was  talking  under  their  arms,  and 
pull  them  about  roughly,  often  playing  with 
their  coat-lining,  and  tapping  and  thumping 
their  bodies.  When  he  encountered  a  political 
adversary,  he  had  always  at  his  command  subtle 
methods  of  changing  his  spirit  to  that  of  a  friend 
and  partisan.  He  entrapped  him  in  his  bom- 
bast, in  that  never-failing  southern  bombast, 
until  at  last  one  was  ready  to  forgive  his  inde- 
corum and  his  bad  manners,  and  to  excuse  every 
failing,  conscious  only  of  his  kind  spirit  and  his 
good  comradeship. 

He  was  often  wonderfully  fortunate  in  his 
choice  of  language ;  it  was  he  who  invented 
that   famous  word   "  irreconcilables "   to    desig- 


M.   EMILE   OLLIFIER.  23 1 

nate  the  militant  element  of  the  opposition ; 
this  epithet  travelled  through  the  country,  and 
ensured  his  social  success  better  than  an  hun- 
dred discourses  would  have  done. 

The  world  of  Bohemia  entered  the  Chamber 
together  with  him  in  1869.  This  Bohemia, 
however,  bore  no  resemblance  to  that  of  former 
times  ;  it  nourished  neither  love  nor  vague 
dreams,  and  had  in  it  no  spirit  of  sentimen- 
tality. It  was  the  popular  Bohemia  which  spoke 
through  Leon  Gambetta  ;  and  it  became  terrible, 
hip-shot  and  ragged  as  it  was,  when  he  made  its 
voice  heard  in  the  parliamentary  tribune.  It 
acquired  a  rough  vigour  like  that  of  a  working- 
woman  ;  it  spoke  with  boldness,  and  in  accents 
of  intoxication,  like  those  which  are  heard  in 
the  street,  and  became  like  a  swarm  of  enraged 
hornets  escaped  from  the  hive. 

M.  Jules  Favre  was  afraid  of  the  boldness  of 
Gambetta.  He  tried  to  keep  him  always  in 
view,  to  make  of  him  a  sort  of  lion.  He  argued 
that  his  only  safety  lay  in  maintaining  control 
over  this  man,  in  having  him,  as  it  were,  under 
his  thumb  ;  for,  did  he  escape,  he  would  have 
everything  to  fear  from  him. 

M.  Jules  Favre  was  ready  to  endure  Gambetta 
just  as  he  was,  with  his  careless  habits  and  his 
disordered  hair.      Gambetta  did  not  know  it  ;  but 


232  NAPOLEON  III. 

he  was  made  to  pass  under  the  yoke  by  M.  Jules 
Favre,  who  awed  by  his  aristocratic  bearing  this 
rugged  revolutionist,  and  who  petted  and  ca- 
ressed him,  feeling  it  far  wiser  to  be  on  his 
guard,  and  to  defend  himself  against  this  pro- 
duct of  street-life,  against  his  power  and  au- 
thority. Gambetta,  the  Bohemian,  would  be 
looked  upon  as  a  gamin  in  Paris,  an  object  from 
whom  the  social  world  would  turn  away,  and 
from  whom  there  was  little  to  dread ;  Gambetta 
adorned  with  conventionalities  would  become  a 
rival,  and  M.  Jules  Favre  had  already  as  such 
M.  Emile  Ollivier. 

M.  Leon  Gambetta,  nevertheless,  became  one 
day  just  that  power  which  M.  Jules  Favre  had 
feared  to  see  arise ;  he  became  the  controlling 
voice  in  Parliament  and  throughout  the  whole 
nation  ;  it  was  his  influence  which  caused  the 
downfall  of  the  government  which  succeeded 
the  Empire,  that  ill-conceived  and  detested  gov- 
ernment of  Marshal  Macmahon.  Social  and 
diplomatic  worlds  were  opened  to  him.  He 
was  no  longer  that  colossal  anomaly  of  former 
days,  no  longer  the  intemperate  politician,  un- 
controlled in  word  and  in  deed,  and  newly  im- 
ported from  the  south.  He  was  eminently 
conventional ;  his  hair,  which  of  old  fell  over 
his  shoulders  like  a  lion's  mane,  was  now  exqui- 


M.  EMILE  OLLIVIER.  233 

sitely  brushed  and  curled.  He  no  longer  called 
"  Te  !  "  when  he  entered  the  luxurious  drawing- 
rooms  whose  hospitality  was  freely  extended  to 
him  ;  he  was  able  to  keep  his  balance  on  waxed 
floors  without  spreading  his  legs  apart.  He 
remained,  however,  enthusiastic  and  excitable ; 
and  it  happened  occasionally  that,  carried  away 
by  his  interest  in  a  discussion,  he  would  seize 
his  interlocutor  by  his  coat-collar,  which  he 
pulled  and  shook  as  though  he  would  tear  it  to 
pieces.  Gambetta,  however,  was  celebrated  ; 
Gambetta  was  powerful ;  and  his  social  lapses 
were  attributed  to  his  fiery  temperament,  and 
were  tolerated.  They  were  laughed  at  good- 
humouredly,  with  a  flattering  sense  of  conde- 
scension and  a  blissful  vanity  on  the  part  of 
those  who  were  his  social  superiors  ;  but  Gam- 
betta, perceiving  the  smiles,  became  suddenly 
cold,  assumed  his  polished  manners,  and  would 
have  deceived  the  most  careful  observer.  He 
was  a  clever  man,  and  one  of  true  intellectual 
calibre.  Starting  at  the  very  base,  he  had 
climbed  the  highest  peak,  and  attained  a  power 
not  to  be  overlooked.  From  below,  the  world 
might  look  up  and  salute  him.  His  life  was 
certainly  not  commonplace.  It  had  advanced 
by  means  of  long,  high  flights  ;  it  was  full  of 
charlatanisms,  of  cowardice,  and  again  of  cour- 


2  34  NJPOLEON  III. 

age,  and  is  an  almost  unanalysable  compound. 
Whatever  the  verdict  of  the  past,  whatever  that 
of  the  years  to  come  shall  be,  it  is  worthy  of 
some  degree  of  admiration  and  also  of  envy. 
This  democrat,  this  product  of  an  obscure  cor- 
ner of  France,  had  a  subtle  sense  of  distinctions, 
and  a  statesmanlike  foresight  and  judgment. 
Europe  and  the  foreign  courts  feared  at  the  out- 
set his  flushed  face  and  his  imprecating  voice 
with  its  tones  of  martial  command,  its  low 
thunder  like  that  of  cannon,  and,  withal,  its 
irresistible  magnetic  power.  He  had,  however, 
the  good  fortune  to  charm  the  Prince  of  Wales, 
as,  indeed,  he  charmed  little  and  great  who 
came  into  contact  with  him.  His  pride  and 
self-consciousness  were  calculated  to  reassure 
those  who  were  inclined  to  doubt.  He,  on  the 
other  hand,  feeling  himself  obeyed,  admired,  and 
applauded  by  his  very  opponents,  hurried  on 
toward  glory,  intoxicated  by  popularity.  Gam- 
betta  was  a  patriot ;  and  France  loved  him,  re- 
membering that  in  hours  of  affliction  he  had 
consoled,  he  had  revived  its  courage,  by  telling 
it  falsehoods  perhaps,  but  with  a  spirit  of  true 
righteousness,  and  by  giving  to  such  falsehoods 
the  sacred  character  of  dauntless  resolution  and 
of  noble  hopes.  Gambetta  was  generous  and 
good.     His  friends  adored  him  ;  and  he,  despite 


M.  EMILE  OLLiyiER.  235 

the  constant  praise  and  approbation  which  were 
showered  on  him,  was  more  gratified  by  their 
proofs  of  affection  than  by  the  voice  of  pubHc 
eulogy,  which  made  itself  heard  round  him  like 
the  sound  of  a  rising  tide. 

M.  Jules  Favre  was  unwilling  to  share  with 
others  any  portion  of  his  political  success.  He 
had  earned,  by  the  sweat  of  his  brow,  the  posi- 
tion which  he  occupied,  and  he  was  jealous  of 
its  possession.  He  wished  for  himself  its  full 
and  undivided  occupancy,  and  would  have  pro- 
tested to  the  very  death  against  the  participa- 
tion of  others  in  his  privileges.  He  had  been 
cast  naked  and  unknown  into  the  streets  of  a 
great  city.  His  heart  had  often  suffered  from 
cold  in  the  midst  of  his  work ;  he  had  met  with 
outrageous  scorn  from  that  great  class  of  nin- 
nies and  of  egoists  by  which  the  world  is  popu- 
lated, a  class  made  up  of  the  rich  and  the 
fortunate,  and  whose  stormy  tide  carries  with 
it  great  blocks  of  gold  which  bar  the  way  to 
thinkers  and  to  ambitious  men  whose  hearts 
are  filled  with  longing  to  reach  their  goal.  He 
remembered  now  with  bitterness  this  phase  of 
his  life,  and  the  remembrance  furnished  his 
heart  with  claws.  What  could  modesty  accom- 
plish in  the  world  of  ease  and  luxury  at  whose 
threshold  he  stood  .''     Nothing.     It  was  through 


236  NAPOLEON  III. 

work  alone  that  he  could  attain  the  existence 
for  which  he  longed,  and  it  was  as  a  reward  for 
work  that  he  claimed  his  share  of  life's  pleas- 
ures. He  could  have  divided  his  time  as  others 
have  done,  and  consecrated  one  part  to  study, 
the  other  to  rest,  to  the  joys  of  love,  and  to  the 
satisfaction  of  the  senses  ;  but  he  was  among 
those  who  make  no  false  resolutions.  He  had 
crushed  in  himself  every  youthful  aspiration, 
all  thought  of  pleasure,  and  had  nailed  mind 
and  flesh  and  nerves  to  his  desk,  resolving 
neither  to  close  his  books  nor  to  raise  his  eyes 
till  he  had  attained  his  object.  This  self- 
inflicted  abuse  embittered  him  ;  and  now  that 
he  had  become  a  power  and  an  object  of  envy, 
he  remembered  with  a  feeling  of  resentment  his 
former  isolation  and  his  hours  of  moral  suffering 
and  of  hard  struggle.  His  life  had  been  one  of 
unspotted  chastity,  and  his  determination  that 
it  should  be  so  rose  like  a  lump  in  his  throat 
and  choked  him  with  rage  and  with  regret.  It 
was,  however,  through  his  purity  of  life  that  he 
acquired  his  strength.  From  the  outset  of  his 
career  he  exerted  complete  control  over  his 
feelings,  and  was  unflinching  in  this  self- 
imposed  mortification  of  the  flesh.  He  had, 
it  is  true,  moments  of  feverish  and  passionate 
revolt ;    his    heart    was    touched     by    sensual 


M.  EMILE  OLLiyiER.  237 

beauties,  and  his  nature  more  than  once 
breathed  in  the  fragrance  of  some  fair  woman 
who  passed  him  by.  The  burden,  however,  of 
his  pride,  of  his  studies,  and  of  his  ambition 
soon  crushed  in  him  the  fugitive  passion  ;  and 
it  was  with  a  steady  and  an  even  step  that  he 
entered  his  own  door,  and  seated  himself  at  his 
table  which  was  covered  with  papers  and  books. 
The  barrenness  of  his  youth  had  given  his  face 
the  pinched  and  bloodless  look  of  an  ascetic, 
and  an  expression  of  unrest  like  that  of  one 
who  has  suffered  from  poverty  and  disgrace. 
To  see  him  walk  through  the  streets  with  his 
great  shoulders  thrown  back,  his  black  hair 
hanging  in  profusion,  his  face  wearing  its  ex- 
pression of  severity,  was  to  be  reminded  of  a 
wild  animal  seeking  prey. 

His  hour  came  at  last.  He  suddenly  rose 
from  the  crowded  and  dirty  streets  and  salons 
of  Paris.  Through  the  midst  of  the  Empire's 
deep  silence  his  voice  was  heard  ;  and  its  echo 
was  carried  far,  like  the  howl  of  a  hungry 
wolf  prowling  the  forests  by  night.  He  saw 
ahead  of  him  a  multitude  drunk  with  its  pleas- 
ures, and  this  multitude  sought  to  keep  him 
back.  He,  however,  elbowed  his  way  through 
its  midst,  he  raised  his  clinched  fist  and  over- 
threw   every    obstacle.       He    understood    that 


238  NAPOLEON  III. 

there  was  a  great  work  to  be  done  at  the  begin- 
ning of  this  epoch  of  struggle  and  of  visionary- 
dreams.  The  imperial  sun  shone  in  full  splen- 
dour, and  threw  floods  of  light  upon  the  past, 
whose  legendary  spirit  had  been  revived.  The 
sunrise  gun  of  the  Bonapartes  saluted  each 
morning  the  dawn  of  new  glories  ;  men  shouted 
the  praises  of  the  sovereign,  and  women  laid  at 
his  feet  their  hearts,  which  were  woven  of  the 
threads  of  worldly  desire.  The  spirit  of  luxury 
used  its  corded  lash  on  reformers  and  on  philos- 
ophers. From  one  end  of  France  to  the  other  a 
great  chain  extended,  composed  of  the  fools  and 
extravagant  pleasure-lovers  who  had  been  fright- 
ened by  long  years  of  austerity,  but  who  rose 
when  the  reveille  sounded  at  the  Tuileries. 
Life  was  good ;  humanity  ate  and  drank  and 
made  love.  Wine  and  blood  mingled  ;  and 
bodies  were  made  to  dance  to  the  music  of  an 
invisible  orchestra,  the  death-dance  of  voluptu- 
ous indulgence.  Thought,  however,  was  dead. 
It  lay  far  away  in  the  corner  of  some  cemetery, 
buried  in  the  common  grave  where  are  laid 
misery  and  shame.  Soul  had  flowed  from  the 
veins  of  the  nation,  veins  severed  by  the  knife 
of  materialistic  pleasure.  The  spirit  of  sensu- 
ality now  stretched  itself  out,  and  fed  upon  the 
lips  of  false  love  as  a  courtier  upon  those  of  a 


M.   EMILE  OLLIVIER.  239 

fair  virgin.  Laughter  was  the  order  of  the 
day.  The  world  was  made  to  laugh  at  any 
cost,  and  those  who  allowed  themselves  the 
luxury  of  weeping  were  sent  away. 

M.  Jules  Favre  was  conscious  of  all  the  ben- 
efits which  he  might  reap  from  this  half-mad 
world.  It  required  some  courage  to  seek  to 
check  a  movement  which  was  carrying  the 
people  with  it.  He  had  the  necessary  courage, 
however,  and  he  rose  before  the  nation.  He 
turned  toward  the  graveyard,  where  he  found, 
in  misery  and  the  agony  of  death,  thought  and 
liberty.  He  descended  into  the  grave  where 
they  lay  not  quite  motionless,  gnawed  by  the 
worms  of  oblivion  ;  and  taking  in  his  arms  what 
remained  of  the  two  bodies,  he  cast  them  one 
fatal  day  on  the  steps  of  the  imperial  throne. 
A  strange  terror  took  possession  of  the  nation. 
The  odour  of  the  tomb,  mingling  with  the  seduc- 
tive perfumes  of  the  women,  slowed  for  a  moment 
the  dizzying  dance  of  the  century.  Society  was 
astonished,  and  asked  who  this  man  was,  this 
new  Hamlet,  who  went  by  night  to  graveyards 
to  play  with  the  dead.  Spirits  of  the  past  rose 
at  the  voice  of  M.  Jules  Favre,  and  through  the 
nation  there  was  felt  the  stir  of  life  like  the 
restless  movement  of  caged  beasts  longing  for 
liberty. 


240  NAPOLEON  III. 

During  the  last  days  of  imperial  Rome,  when 
the  laughter  of  partricians  was  suddenly  inter- 
rupted by  the  voice  of  a  reformer,  the  nation 
sought  out  that  voice,  and  took  possession  of 
the  rising  tribune,  and  cast  him  into  the  circus. 
The  Caesars,  having  fallen  into  an  unwholesome 
sleep,  did  not  wish  to  be  disturbed  in  the 
satiety  of  their  pleasures.  Those  who  were 
content  with  life  as  it  was,  were  surprised  by 
the  sudden  apparition  of  M.  Jules  Favre,  and 
tried  to  imitate  the  Caesars  of  former  days. 
They  cried  shame  at  him,  for  he  was  a  revolu- 
tionist whom  it  was  essential  to  suppress. 
Though  there  was  no  arena  into  which  they 
might  throw  him,  there  was  still  the  galley ;  it 
would  be  very  simple  to  send  him  to  the  col- 
onies. Every  act  of  folly  which  anger  can  in- 
spire was  suggested  and  countenanced.  The 
Emperor  alone  remained  ignorant  of  public  sen- 
timent, holding  himself  aloof  from  all  the  follies 
which  eddied  round  his  throne.  He  left  M. 
Jules  Favre  entire  liberty  to  insure  his  authority 
and  to  attain  his  goal.  M.  Jules  Favre,  for  his 
part,  was  little  disturbed  by  the  insults  which 
the  papers  each  morning  heaped  upon  him  and 
which  in  the  evening  were  repeated  in  the 
drawing-room.  He  ignored,  or  feigned  to  ig- 
nore, the  forebearance  shown  him  by  the  sov- 


M.  EMILE  OLLiyiER.  24 1 

ereign,  and  followed  his  straight  path  without 
pause  or  digression.  He  spoke  in  the  Palais 
de  Justice ;  he  monopolised  every  political  pro- 
ceeding which  attracted  public  notice,  and  his 
power  increased  with  conspicuous  rapidity.  He 
had  made  a  great  leap  from  the  bench  where 
he  had  once  sat,  and  at  the  time  of  elec- 
tions he  now  set  his  great  body  down  in  the 
popular  tribune  of  public  reunions.  His  suc- 
cess had  been  tremendous.  Having  attained 
the  first  halting-place  in  his  career,  he  paused 
for  a  moment  and  took  time  to  consider  the 
best  course ;  then,  with  a  sense  of  assurance, 
defied  with  renewed  vigour  the  governmental 
majority  which  rebelled  at  his  advance. 

The  elevation,  the  triumph,  of  M.  Jules  Favre, 
had  certainly  exerted  no  check  on  the  enticing 
follies  by  which  the  generation  was  led.  Vague 
anxiety  was  roused  by  his  extraordinary  success, 
and  the  people  realised  that  a  new  and  terrible 
power  had  risen  ;  but  so  slight  an  event  could 
hardly  serve  to  change  the  tide  of  life.  They 
even  rushed  on  more  rapidly  than  ever  in  their 
race  after  joy,  love,  and  largess  ;  they  raised 
their  laughter  louder  than  before  when  this 
great  orator  spoke,  preferring  not  to  hear  his 
voice,  which  sounded  like  the  roll  of  thunder 
rising  above  the  orchestra  of  a  dance-hall. 


242  NAPOLEON  III. 

He,  however,  valued  but  little  the  praise 
which  he  won,  and  was  little  disturbed  by  op- 
position. He  counted,  weighed,  and  classified 
the  feelings  of  hatred  which  he  roused,  not  for 
the  sake  of  satisfying  any  feeling  of  anger  or  of 
bitterness,  but  merely  that  he  might  understand 
the  conditions  surrounding  him,  and  be  ready, 
should  necessity  arise,  to  combat  them. 

Faith  in  virtue  and  in  friendship  seemed  to 
him,  in  this  age  of  selfishness  and  of  delirium, 
vain  and  deceptive.  To  give  one's  love  to  any 
human  being,  to  consecrate  to  anybody  the  best 
that  is  in  one,  without  having  even  the  satis- 
faction of  believing  that  at  death  this  person 
will  come  to  press  the  cold  and  rigid  hand, 
seemed  to  him  an  act  which  involved  much 
unnecessary  suffering.  M.  Jules  Favre  was  a 
sceptic,  and  a  pessimist  in  his  methods  of  reason- 
ing. In  politics  he  would  have  demanded 
nothing  better  than  to  belong  to  no  party ; 
but  such  a  line  of  action  would  have  been  dan- 
gerous ;  and  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  choose 
his  side,  whether  he  did  so  from  earnest  and 
passionate  motives  or  with  a  spirit  of  calm 
indifference.  He  chose  the  former,  and  di- 
rected his  syrhpathies  —  for  he  had  thorough 
control  over  his  nature  —  toward  revolutionary 
doctrines.     He  became  the  advocate  of  liberty 


M.   EMILE   OLLiriER.  243 

through  no  heart-felt  conviction,  but  because  he 
found  in  Hberty  a  mine  not  yet  worked,  or  at 
least  but  insufficiently  worked,  and  from  which 
he  hoped  to  gain  some  riches.  Had  austerity 
been  the  order  of  the  day,  he  would,  perhaps, 
have  preached  a  life  of  pleasure,  and  with  his 
soft  and  aristocratic  hands  have  shaken  the 
bells  upon  the  jester's  cap.  Never  having  truly 
lived,  M.  Jules  Favre  was  yet  d/ase.  There 
was  no  hypocrisy  in  his  nature.  "  Force  is 
stronger  than  justice,"  was  the  motto  of  his 
life,  the  device  which  he  had  ever  before  him. 
He  felt  that  logically  and  inevitably  the  strong 
must  impose  upon  the  weak.  The  success  of 
his  plans  was  largely  due  to  the  fact  that  he 
built  on  this  basis,  and  to  attain  his  purpose 
abandoned  every  prejudicial  scruple.  He  was 
shrewd  and  far-seeing,  and  in  this  and  in  no 
other  qualities  lay  his  power. 

Judged  according  to  the  social  conventionali- 
ties which  regulate  our  political  and  moral  con- 
dition, M.  Jules  Favre  was  a  dishonest  man, 
capable  of  committing  any  roguery  conducive 
to  the  realisation  of  his  wishes  and  to  the  at- 
tainment of  a  fortune.  Should  we,  however,  on 
this  account  judge  him  severely.-'  Should  we 
not  take  into  consideration  the  circumstances 
under  which  he  was  born,  and  by  which  he  be- 


244  NAPOLEON  III. 

came  the  natural  product  of  a  spirit  of  ill-will 
and  of  vulgarity  ?  The  virus  of  hatred  had 
infected  his  blood ;  but  was  it  not  the  long 
period  of  mourning  through  which  he  passed 
in  his  solitary,  his  ascetic  life,  and  the  battles 
waged  against  his  violent  and  passionate  nature, 
which  had  engendered  this  venom,  or  which,  at 
least,  had  determined  the  evolution  of  his  na- 
ture ?  He  was  undoubtedly  a  philosopher ;  his 
doctrines  were  based  on  ancient  cynicism,  had, 
indeed,  but  cast  off  the  mantle  of  antiquity, 
and  adorned  themselves  in  that  of  an  advanced 
civilisation. 

His  authority  had  been  long  in  developing ; 
he  had  the  opposing  force  of  the  Empire  to 
overcome,  but,  once  gained,  his  power  was  no 
mockery  ;  it  rose  like  a  threatening  spirit  on 
days  of  solemn  festivity,  and  it  passed  to  the  very 
foot  of  the  throne.  From  the  top  of  the  legis- 
lative tribune  M.  Jules  Favre  placed  his  author- 
ity in  opposition  to  that  of  the  sovereign,  and 
was  master  of  a  pack  of  howling  rebels.  He 
was  invulnerable  from  many  sides,  yet  he  was 
not  thoroughly  consistent  in  his  Jacobite  sever- 
ity. There  was  in  his  refined  and  sensitive 
nature  a  sort  of  veiled  mysticism  which  he 
himself  had  never  thoroughly  analysed.  This 
quality,  which  his   purity  of  life  served  to  ex- 


M.  EMILE  OLLIVIER.  245 

alt,  led  him  toward  a  religious  idealism,  and 
prompted  a  life  of  renunciation  and  of  contem- 
plation. Having  denied  himself  sensual  joys, 
and  believing  that  he  had  destroyed  all  fleshly 
desires,  M.  Jules  Favre  still  felt  a  need  of  the 
extra-natural  which  takes  possession  of  the  as- 
cetic with  all  the  imperative  force  of  a  mono- 
mania. He  required  a  safety-valve  for  his 
overflowing  thought,  and  made  the  church  a 
confidante  of  his  secret  ecstasies,  for  he  was  sin- 
cerely religious.  At  seven  o'clock  each  Sunday 
morning  he  went  to  the  Madeleine,  where  he 
listened  piously,  his  nose  in  a  great  prayer-book, 
to  the  orisons  of  a  priest.  This  curious  trait 
of  character,  which  was  universally  recognised, 
called  forth  no  mockery  from  his  political 
friends.  They  were  afraid  of  him,  and  well 
knew  that  were  he  once  irritated  he  would  be 
slow  to  forgive.  Only  one  man,  a  Don  Quixote 
born  of  the  Revolution,  dared  to  criticise  him. 

"  He  is,"  said  this  man,  "  a  Marat  turned 
Jesuit."  This  remark,  which  described  him 
most  truly,  had  an  immense  success,  and  has 
retained  its  celebrity. 

M.  Jules  Favrc  of  his  own  free  will  conse- 
crated his  whole  being  to  the  selfish  satisfaction 
of  his  political  ambition,  and  yet  politics  made 
of  him  an  object  of  hatred.     Unknown  to  him- 


246  NAPOLEON  III. 

self,  his  weary  soul  sought  to  quench  the  thirst 
from  which  it  suffered  ;  it  asked  of  the  church 
the  rest  and  peace  supplied  by  its  shadowy  vault- 
ings, and  there  it  breathed  in  great  draughts  of 
life  which  he  denied  it.  The  spirit  of  sensual- 
ity, checked  and  restrained  by  a  terrible  will, 
groaned  still  within  this  pure  man,  in  whom 
were  yet  many  sleeping  passions.  The  spirit 
of  sensuality  was  not  dead,  but  only  bound,  and 
it  waged  constant  warfare  with  his  self-interested 
ambition.  A  warfare  such  as  this  is  both  cruel 
and  hideous.  It  is  a  monstrous  thing  to  see  a 
soul  struggling  in  the  tight  embrace  of  an  insa- 
tiable egoism.  M.  Jules  Favre  never  spoke  of 
the  secret  struggles  of  his  life,  of  his  nights 
without  sleep,  of  the  nervous  sufferings  by 
which  he  was  tortured,  or  of  those  wild  pas- 
sions which  interrupted  the  peace  of  his  solitary 
hours.  He  kept  such  trials  secret  to  himself. 
On  the  day  succeeding  a  great  moral  crisis  he 
was  just  as  cheerful,  just  as  calm  and  authorita- 
tive, as  before.  His  heart  was  a  sealed  book, 
and  it  was  in  his  excessive  reserve  that  his 
power  lay.  He  had  truly  cause  for  pride ;  for 
despite  every  failing,  every  weakness,  he  re- 
mained a  great  and  an  awe-inspiring  man.  He 
was,  perhaps,  a  "  Marat  turned  Jesuit  ;  "  but  such 
an  epithet  seems  still  to  say,  "  This  is  indeed  a 
man." 


M.   EMILE   OLLIl/lER.  247 

I  am,  perhaps,  allowing  my  thoughts  to  be 
carried  far  from  the  original  subject  of  this 
chapter,  but  I  repeat  that  M.  Jules  Favre  occu- 
pied under  the  Second  Empire  a  place  of  too 
great  importance  to  admit  of  neglect.  It  has 
seemed  to  me  equally  natural  to  mention  M. 
Gambetta  here.  My  sketches  of  their  charac- 
ters will  certainly  not  be  unwelcome  to  the 
reader ;  for,  if  he  has  lived  during  the  time  of 
Napoleon  III.,  they  will  call  to  his  remembrance 
the  physiognomy  of  the  principal  men  who  di- 
rected the  liberal  movement  at  this  period ;  if 
he  is  too  young  to  remember  this  reign,  they 
will  give  him  an  artistic  appreciation  of  the 
celebrated  people  and  events  which  have  now 
passed  away. 

I  return  now  to  M.  Emile  Ollivier. 

Of  all  the  men  who,  under  the  Second  Empire, 
by  their  earnest  language  and  their  political  ac- 
tivity, held  the  attention  of  the  people,  M.  Emile 
Ollivier  should  rise  in  startling  relief,  should  be 
granted  an  high  place  on  the  horizon  of  history. 
There  was  in  his  life  an  element  of  mystery  and 
of  fatality,  which  pursues  him  even  now  in  the 
false  appreciation  which  attaches  to  his  name. 
It  was,  indeed,  by  a  mysterious  fatality  that  he 
was  chosen  as  an  instrument  through  which 
Napoleon  III.  should  speak  to  the  people. 


248  NAPOLEON  III. 

M.  Emile  Ollivier  was  not  a  plebeian  like  M. 
Rouher,  for  his  tastes  were  literary,  and  he  was 
himself  a  writer  of  some  little  power  ;  nor  was 
he,  like  M.  Jules  Favre,  an  ascetic  constantly 
exposed  to  the  danger  of  losing  the  fruit  of  his 
abstinence  by  a  sudden  and  imperative  passion, 
by  a  sudden  revolt  of  the  senses,  for  he  had  no 
terror  of  women  ;  yet  he  remained  faithful  to  his 
home  and  family,  only  abandoning  the  field  of 
political  battle  that  he  might  enjoy  the  repose 
of  his  own  hearth  and  devote  his  thoughts  to 
the  welfare  of  his  household. 

His  political  career  began  early ;  and,  by  a 
strange  coincidence,  this  career,  which  ended  in 
sorrow  and  disaster,  also  opened  with  the  noise 
of  calamity.  On  the  day  succeeding  the  second 
of  September,  when  he  was  hardly  grown  to 
manhood,  he  saw  his  father  dragged  from  case- 
mate to  casemate,  saw  him  barely  escape  ban- 
ishment to  Cayenne,  which  was  the  penalty 
imposed  on  many  of  his  co-religionists.  Thanks 
to  the  friendly  intervention  of  Jerome,  the  old 
king  of  Westphalia,  uncle  of  Louis  Bonaparte, 
thanks  also  to  the  friendship  of  Prince  Napoleon, 
M.  Emile  Ollivier  was  able  to  obtain  the  release 
of  his  father  and  to  procure  him  a  place  of  safety 
abroad. 

Owing  to  his  strongly  philosophic  spirit,  his 


M.  EMILE  OLLiyiER.  249 

memory  of  these  days  was  mingled  with  no 
sense  of  bitterness,  though  they  had  brought 
such  keen  suffering  to  one  whom  he  adored, 
and  by  whom  he  was  intelHgently  and  tenderly 
loved.  His  opposition  to  the  Empire  was  in  no 
sense  due  to  the  trials  which  he  had  suffered  or 
to  feelings  of  personal  resentment ;  and  I  am 
among  those  who,  far  from  condemning  this 
absence  of  bitterness  as  blameworthy  or  politic 
indifference  to  the  claims  of  affection,  find  in 
it  a  spirit  of  stoicism  which  can  but  inspire 
admiration. 

This  man  seems,  in  truth,  to  have  thought 
little  of  popularity  or  power  as  far  as  these 
remained  a  mere  personal  gratification  ;  his  aim 
seems  to  have  been  to  attain  a  political  ideal 
which  should  be  as  far  as  possible  conformable 
to  his  convictions  and  to  his  theories  of  liberal- 
ity ;  never,  however,  did  he,  in  seeking  the 
realisation  of  his  hopes,  place  himself  in  con- 
spicuous opposition  to  the  authority  of  the 
Emperor  Napoleon  III.  His  attitude  before 
the  public  was  never  that  of  an  irreconcilable 
enemy  of  the  Tuileries,  nor  was  his  position 
before  the  Tuileries  that  of  a  candidate  for  any 
favour,  or  of  a  man  hoping  for  a  ministry ;  he 
waited  quietly,  absorbed  in  the  pursuit  of  his 
own    purposes,  the  advent  of    a   new  order   of 


2  so  NylPOLEON  III. 

things  to  which  he  would  not  be  loath  to  give 
his  approbation  and  his  succour.  Such  an  atti- 
tude as  this  was  full  of  danger ;  and  to  maintain 
it  required  all  the  charm  of  language,  all  the 
authority  which  his  name  commanded. 

From  the  time  of  his  election  to  the  Legisla- 
tive Corps,  and,  indeed,  from  that  of  his  entrance 
into  the  Palais-Bourbon,  he  was  fully  aware  of 
its  consequences.  He  wrote  to  his  father,  who 
was  in  exile  in  Florence,  to  ask  if  it  were  right 
for  him  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the 
Emperor,  whether  he  could  with  a  free  con- 
science swear  fidelity  to  a  man  who  had  taken 
from  him  that  which  was  dearest  on  earth .''  If, 
in  short,  his  duty  were  not  to  refuse  an  oath 
which  seemed  a  violation  of  conscience,  and 
whether  by  taking  it  he  would  not  necessarily 
sacrifice  his  independence .-'  His  father  replied 
that  he  was  at  liberty  to  take  the  oath  which 
was  required  of  him  ;  that  in  so  doing  he  would 
not  abandon  his  independence  or  his  convictions, 
but  that  it  would  impose  on  him  certain  conse- 
quences ;  that  it  would,  for  instance,  forbid 
traitorous  designs,  and  compel  him  to  pursue 
his  labours,  though  not  under  the  patronage  of 
the  Emperor,  at  least  without  enmity  against 
him. 

Henceforth  M.   Emile  Ollivier,  strengthened 


M.   EMILE   OLLiyiER.  25  I 

by  his  father's  sanction  and  approval,  saw 
clearly  the  course  which  he  was  called  on  to 
follow  through  life ;  and  no  circumstances  led 
him  to  diverge  from  the  path  which  he  had 
chosen. 

I  feel  it  necessary  to  give  here  an  impartial 
account  and  explanation  of  the  line  of  conduct 
pursued  by  M.  Emile  Ollivier  under  the  Second 
Empire.  My  judgment  is,  I  know,  in  opposition 
to  that  of  most  who  have  studied  the  character 
of  this  man.  It  will,  perhaps,  astonish  those 
who  are  the  too  violent  partisans  of  a  system 
which  grants  no  indulgence  to  the  acts  com- 
mitted by  mankind,  and  wound  the  unpropitiat- 
ing  faith  of  those  who,  having  wept,  have  no 
pardon  in  their  hearts,  no  power  to  forget  the 
cause  of  their  tears  ;  yet  it  will,  I  hope,  con- 
tribute to  a  better  comprehension  of  the  per- 
sonality of  M.  Emile  Ollivier,  and  to  a  more 
accurate  observation  of  the  phases  of  his  politi- 
cal career. 

The  eloquence  of  M.  Jules  Favre  was  justly 
the  object  of  much  pride  during  the  Second 
Empire,  and  its  academic  qualities  much  ex- 
tolled. The  eloquence  of  M.  Emile  Ollivier 
was  no  less  celebrated,  nor  did  he  have  less 
enthusiastic  admirers ;  that  faultlessness  of  lit- 


2  52  NAPOLEON  III. 

erary  quality,  so  rare  among  orators,  distin- 
guished him  always. 

M.  Jules  Favre  advanced,  as  we  have  seen, 
toward  the  tribune  in  the  strength  of  his  com- 
manding physique  and  of  his  deep  voice  with 
its  vigorous  and  vehement  tones ;  M.  Emile 
Ollivier  was,  on  the  contrary,  held  back  by  the 
correctness  of  his  person,  by  the  preciseness  of 
his  sentences,  by  the  sweetness  and  charm  of 
his  intonation,  and  by  the  musical  accents  which 
dropped  from  his  lips.  It  was  said  of  him,  as 
it  had  been  said  of  a  famous  tragedian,  that  he 
had  a  voice  of  gold.  The  description  was  accu- 
rate. Even  to-day  the  voice  of  M.  Emile  Ollivier, 
despite  a  slight  Provencal  accent,  which,  indeed, 
adds  a  sort  of  beauty,  like  the  lisp  of  a  brook 
flowing  over  pebbles,  has  in  quiet  conversation 
a  metallic  sonorousness,  a  sound  of  ringing  gold, 
thin,  caressing,  musical.  The  Empress,  who 
was  not  fond  of  this  man,  and  who,  in  contrast 
to  her  beauty,  had  a  shrill  and  disagreeable  voice, 
made  fun  of  his  tones,  and  vowed,  with  frank 
coquetry,  that  she  was   truly  jealous  of  them. 

It  would,  however,  be  a  mistake  to  believe 
that  M.  Emile  Ollivier  preserved  a  constant 
sweetness  of  manner,  that  his  language  never 
departed  from  that  special  grace  which  charac- 
terised it.     On  occasion  he  lent  to  his  language 


M.   EMILE  OLLiyiER.  253 

all  the  heat  of  a  fiery  eloquence ;  and  though  his 
gesture  remained  correct  and  elegant,  though 
his  phraseology  lost  none  of  its  literary  quality, 
he  then  rose  to  the  very  summit  of  oratorical  art. 
The  present  generation,  which  hears  the  pub- 
lic debates  of  the  Chamber,  which  sees  succeed 
each  other  daily  men  well  versed  in  the  science 
of  language,  in  the  art  of  speaking  to  the  masses, 
remains  calm  or  indifferent  at  the  mention  of 
those  orators  who  triumphed  before  the  war  of 
1870,  and  cares  little  to  recall  their  eloquence. 
It  should,  nevertheless,  be  remembered  that  the 
Second  Empire  witnessed  oratorical  contests  as 
stirring  and  in  every  way  as  fine  as  those  of 
which  the  Palais-Bourbon  is  at  present  the  the- 
atre. The  eloquence,  it  is  true,  which  moves 
the  public  to-day  is  little  like  that  which  a  short 
time  ago  stirred  it  to  passion.  It  has  changed 
its  tone  :  it  has  become  violent,  aggressive,  and 
malignant.  There  was  formerly  more  urbanity, 
a  more  graceful  setting  to  the  attitude  and  lan- 
guage of  politicians  ;  there  was  less  independ- 
ence in  their  language ;  and  the  constraint 
which,  either  by  legislative  regulations,  or  by  a 
regard  for  courtesy  which  was  at  that  time  less 
scorned  than  now,  had  as  a  result  a  mode  of 
discussion  more  refined,  and  savouring  less  of  a 
street  brawl. 


2  54  NAPOLEON  III. 

When  M.  Jules  Favre  rose  to  speak  to  the 
Legislative  Corps,  the  warlike  attitude  which  he 
assumed  gave  to  the  debate  on  which  they  were 
entering  a  character  which  rendered  its  results 
uncertain  and  perilous.  The  governmental  ma- 
jority, stirred  to  opposition,  if  not  at  the  very 
outset,  at  least  before  the  close  of  the  address, 
by  the  manner  which  the  speaker  adopted  as 
he  continued,  entrenched  themselves  behind  ob- 
stinate opposition,  and  listened,  impassive,  and 
with  a  spirit  opposed  to  every  modification,  to 
the  apostrophes  of  the  speaker. 

Through  the  gentleness  of  M.  Emile  Ollivier's 
language,  and  his  lack  of  party  prejudice,  this 
majority  felt  itself  touched,  and  a  vague  fear 
took  possession  of  it.  To  repel  by  disdain  the 
arguments  presented  by  him  was  almost  impos- 
sible, for  they  seemed  to  be  offered  in  a  spirit 
of  friendliness ;  it  was  still  less  possible  to 
drown  his  voice  in  insults,  for  he  gave  no  cause 
for  offence.  In  this  mode  of  gaining  the  atten- 
tion of  adversaries  refractory  to  conviction,  lay 
for  a  long  time  the  power  gained  by  M.  Emile 
Ollivier  in  the  official  Chambers  of  the  Second 
Empire.  He,  however,  abandoned  this  system 
at  last ;  at  the  time,  that  is,  when  he  took  the 
power  into  his  own  hands. 

After  this  he  seemed  to  lose  his  self-control, 


M.   EMILE  OLLinER.  2$$ 

unnerved,  perhaps,  by  the  events  which  in  quick 
and  disordered  succession  crowded  on  each  other 
and  harassed  his  life.  He  was  no  longer  con- 
tent with  a  rhetoric  which  had  undoubtedly- 
possessed  much  charm,  but  which  had  been 
powerless  to  produce  peace,  or  to  prevent  the 
governmental  dislocation  which  was  now  un- 
avoidable, and  he  became  irascible  and  almost 
violent.  He  made  short  work  of  those  who 
battered  in  breach  his  authority.  He  raised 
cries  like  those  of  an  hunted  animal,  and  his 
spirit  was  full  of  revolt  and  of  fury ;  his  atti- 
tude became  menacing  ;  his  voice,  which  seemed, 
if  I  may  so  express  myself,  to  mourn  its  lost 
gentleness  and  grace,  became  harsh,  and  rang 
out  like  the  funeral-knell  of  his  dreams  and  of 
his  hopes,  like  the  funeral-knell  of  that  freedom 
for  which  he  had  sacrificed  so  much  personal 
feeling,  for  which  he  had  undergone  so  many 
unjust  suspicions.  He  was,  perhaps,  very  cour- 
ageous at  this  moment,  but  he  was  certainly 
most  unfortunate. 

The  story,  or  the  adventure,  which  is  com- 
monly called  the  conversion  of  M.  Emile  Olli- 
vier,  is  most  simple  and  easy  of  comprehension. 

M.  Emile  Ollivier  having  entered  politics  free 
from  party  prejudice,  without  thought  of  satis- 


256  NAPOLEON  III. 

fying  personal  hatred  or  resentment,  had  no 
reason  to  avoid  a  change  of  opinion,  or  to  fear 
an  agreement  with  the  men  who  governed  in 
the  Tuileries,  or  even  with  the  sovereign  him- 
self ;  it  was  in  thorough  consistency  with  the 
attitude  which  he  had  assumed  that  he  finally 
reconciled  himself  with  the  Emperor. 

It  was  through  Count  Walewski  that  his 
first  interviews  with  Napoleon  III.  were  ar- 
ranged. I  have  already  published  conclusive 
letters  on  this  point.  It  may,  however,  be  af- 
firmed that  M.  de  Morny  first  dispelled  in  him 
any  fear  of  an  understanding  with  him  whose 
authoritative  government,  rather  than  his  own 
personality,  he  opposed. 

Many  years  before  he  had  held  any  intercouse 
with  the  Emperor,  M.  Emile  Ollivier  had  talked 
with  M.  de  Morny,  who  was  at  that  time 
president  of  the  Legislative  Corps,  and  as  a 
result  there  had  arisen  in  his  heart  a  sort  of 
sympathy  with  this  bold  adventurer,  who  had 
played  his  part  in  the  Coup  d'Etat  of  Decem- 
ber Second.  In  his  book,  Le  ig  Janvier,  we 
find  that  he  does  not  forget  M.  de  Morny, 
but  presents  him  in  a  light  not  altogether 
unfavourable. 

M.  de  Morny  died  ;  and  with  him  would,  per- 
haps,   have    perished    the    projects    which    he 


M.    EMILE  OLLIVIER.  2 $7 

had  originated,  and  the  hopes  which  he  had 
placed  in  M.  Emile  OlHvier,  had  not  Count 
Walewski  availed  himself  of  these  plans  and 
hopes,  and  given  them  a  sanction. 

Count  Walewski,  whose  convictions  were  of 
the  most  liberal,  liked  M.  Emile  Ollivier.  He 
admired  his  oratorical  gifts  and  approved  their 
nature.  He  took  no  pains  to  hide  his  admira- 
tion from  the  Emperor,  and,  indeed,  easily  per- 
suaded him  that  in  the  more  or  less  distant 
future  this  young  deputy  would  be  useful  as 
one  of  his  co-workers. 

Napoleon  HI.,  who  sought  strong  men  at- 
tached to  no  political  system,  and  who  was 
glad  to  gain  to  his  cause  men  formerly  known 
as  adversaries,  who,  indeed,  with  a  charming 
coquetry,  was  rejoiced  to  run  across  an  enemy 
for  the  sake  of  converting  him  and  for  the  mere 
joy  of  making  him  a  victim  of  his  own  charm 
and  wit,  received  with  delight  the  communica- 
tion of  Count  Walewski,  and  arranged  with  him 
for  the  reception  of  M.  Emile  Ollivier  at  the 
Tuileries. 

There  then  came  to  pass  just  that  which  was 
most  in  harmony  with  the  temperament  of  M. 
Emile  Ollivier.  He  talked  with  the  Emperor, 
and  he  listened  while  the  Emperor  spoke,  and 
was  conquered.     In  this  there  is  surely  no  for- 


258  NAPOLEON  III. 

saking,  no  betrayal  of  principles  ;  and  I  believe 
that  we  may  justly  ascribe  to  false  exagger- 
ation and  to  party  bitterness  the  reproaches 
and  the  maledictions  called  forth  by  his  rec- 
onciliation with  the  Emperor. 

If  examined  calmly  and  philosophically,  it  is 
impossible  to  gainsay  the  spirit  of  sincerity 
which  dictated  to  M.  Emile  Ollivier  his  conduct 
in  this  matter.  The  same  sincerity  is  notice- 
able in  the  acts  which  followed  his  reconcilia- 
tion with  the  Emperor,  and  especially  in  those 
which  lend  a  peculiar  character  to  his  short 
ascent  to  power.  He  remained  a  liberal  to  the 
last,  and  pursued  liberty  without  causing  any 
disquietude  to  the  governmental  etiquette, 
which,  indeed,  insured  him  the  realisation  of 
his  projects,  and  which  protected  that  liberty 
which  he  sought. 

This  attitude  was  one  of  apparent  danger  in 
a  country  where  the  spirit  of  the  men  who 
direct  public  affairs  is  not  always  understood 
or  treated  with  moderation ;  in  a  country,  too, 
whose  nervous  system  is  always  in  a  state  of 
excitement,  or  at  least  in  a  state  ready  to  be 
excited,  whose  passions  are  not  easily  appeased, 
and  which  is  refractory  to  all  change  and  adap- 
tation, to  everything  which  seems  like  an  aban- 
donment of  the  faith  in  which  it  was  cradled. 


M.   EMILE  OLLII/IER.  259 

M.  Emile  Ollivier  called  forth  special  bitterness 
from  those  who  sought  to  obey  their  own  con- 
sciences and  to  keep  themselves  free  from  any- 
party.  He  saw  arise  that  movement  of  revolt 
which  led  France  to  renounce  her  old  traditions. 

It  must,  however,  be  admitted  that  his  ro/e 
was  that  of  a  man  active  in  government  and 
of  a  statesman  ;  it  must  be  admitted,  too,  that 
those  circumstances  which  are  necessary  to  the 
development  of  the  best  leaders  were  lacking  to 
him,  and  that,  having  become  a  minister  of 
Napoleon  III.,  he  was  far  more  the  victim  of 
circumstance  than  of  the  weakness  of  his  own 
political  system. 

Having  attained  to  power,  he  had  to  oppose 
not  only  his  old  friends  and  the  falsehood  of 
a  legend  which  represented  him  as  a  rene- 
gade, but  also  the  authorities  of  the  Empire 
who  grouped  themselves  round  the  Empress, 
and  a  class  of  misguided  men  and  women  who 
were  pursued  by  the  shadow  of  Napoleon  III., 
and  who,  with  a  yet  unsatisfied  thirst,  hastened 
to  recall  a  political  era  which  had  offered  them 
the  unalloyed  joy  of  existence. 

Though  he  was  never  intimate  at  court,  and 
though  he  held  himself  apart  from  its  frivol- 
ities, its  intrigues,  follies,  and  maliciousness, 
M.    Emile    Ollivier   was,    nevertheless,    cruelly 


26o  NAPOLEON  III. 

sensitive  to  the  hostility  shown  him  by  the 
habitues  of  tlie  Tuileries,  and  a  moment  came 
when  he  found  himself  fairly  enveloped  in  this 
hostility. 

Such  a  detail  as  this  may  appear  insignificant 
in  the  life  of  a  statesman ;  but  it  has,  neverthe- 
less, its  importance.  It  is  necessary  to  have 
lived  among  courtiers,  and  to  have  talked  with 
those  who  have  been  the  objects  of  their 
hatred,  in  order  to  appreciate  the  mighty  in- 
fluence that  this  little  world  of  men  and  women 
which  moves  round  a  throne  has  on  the  affairs 
of  government,  and  in  order  to  understand  the 
many  disasters  which,  in  the  destiny  of  nations, 
are  due  to  it. 

When,  therefore,  M.  Emile  Ollivier  became 
President  of  the  Council  in  January,  1870,  and 
when  he  wished  to  apply  to  practical  ends  the 
policy  which  he  had  made  his  ideal,  he  found 
himself  confronted  by  a  formidable  opposition, 
composed  of  those  whom  he  was  reported  to 
have  abandoned,  and  also  of  those  whom  his 
origin  and  theories  annoyed.  Even  the  plebis- 
cite which  followed  his  entrance  into  the  ministry 
had  no  power  to  calm  the  disturbance ;  and 
after,  as  before,  this  appeal  to  the  electors,  he 
had  constant  warfare  to  wage  against  resolute 
and  obstinate  adversaries. 


M.  EMILE  OLLIFIER.  26 1 

He  had  for  some  time  been  in  constant  oppo-' 
sition  to  M.  Rouher,  and  had  condemned  both 
the  words  and  the  deeds  of  the  vice-emperor. 
When,  therefore,  M.  Rouher  seated  himself 
quietly  in  the  presidential  chair  of  the  Senate, 
M.  Emile  Ollivier  understood  that  the  most 
violent  attacks  which  were  levied  against  him 
proceeded  from  this  man,  and  that  it  was  he 
who,  with  a  power  and  influence  encouraged  by 
the  high  approbation  of  the  Empress  and  by 
her  overwhelming  patronage,  directed  against 
him  the  entire  army  of  discontented  spirits. 
He  accepted  the  battle  which  his  rival  offered, 
he  resumed  the  warfare  of  past  years,  and  the 
wounds  were  deep  which  these  two  men  inflicted 
on  each  other. 

These  were  hours  of  storm  and  anguish  ;  and 
M.  Emile  Ollivier,  who  had  courage  to  assume 
authority  on  the  very  eve  of  a  revolution,  at  a 
moment  when  the  fabric  of  the  Empire  had 
already  begun  to  give  way,  had  no  chance  of 
victory.  A  mighty  tempest  made  itself  felt 
from  one  end  of  France  to  the  other ;  the 
storm-bell  rang  through  the  air,  and  raised  to 
the  very  sky  its  loud  notes  of  warning.  M. 
Emile  Ollivier,  because  he  had  been  unable  to 
check  this  storm  in  its  course,  because  he  was 
powerless  to  master  so  mighty  a  force,  fell  as  a 


262  NAPOLEON  III. 

tree  falls  when  struck  by  lightning ;  he  was 
borne  away,  a  shattered  wreck,  and  hurled 
across  space  like  some  stray  object  seized  by 
the  wind. 

The  Empire  assisted  in  his  annihilation,  pub- 
lic opinion  seeking  then,  as  always,  some  scape- 
goat on  which  to  lay  the  burden  of  errors  and 
crimes,  glad  to  cast  on  him  the  responsibility  of 
an  Empire's  death  and  of  the  disasters  which 
France  sustained  in  its  heroic  struggles  against 
Germany. 

In  a  subsequent  chapter,  entitled  the  "  Decla- 
ration of  War,"  I  shall  show  the  true  attitude 
of  M.  Emile  Ollivier  at  this  period,  and  I  shall 
name  without  hesitation,  basing  my  statements 
on  fact,  the  authors  really  responsible  for  the 
campaign  of  1870.  It  will  not  be  difficult  to 
render  to  him  the  place  which  is  due  him  in 
history,  and  to  remove  from  his  name  the  accu- 
sations and  the  anathemas  of  which  he  has 
been  the  victim.  The  task  is  made  more  easy 
by  the  fact  that  the  prejudice  which,  till  a  short 
time  ago  was  absolutely  implacable,  has  to-day 
been  somewhat  modified ;  there  is  accorded  to 
him,  as  to  the  memory  of  Napoleon  III.,  not 
only  absolute  freedom  of  vindication,  but  also 
an  attentive  interest,  a  feeling  of  sympathy,  and 
a  tardy  justice,  toward  which  he  may  still  look. 


M.  EMILE  OLLIVIER.  263 

not  for  rehabilitation,  indeed,  for  such  an  ex- 
pression is  hardly  appropriate,  but  for  consola- 
tion and  for  peace,  which  will  add  serenity  and 
pride  to  his  gray  hairs. 

I  write  these  things,  and  am  not  afraid  to  do 
so,  because  I  know  that  they  are  true,  because 
falsehood  repels  me,  because  I  am  glad  to  pay 
homage  to  misfortune  when  that  misfortune  is 
unmerited. 

After  that  fatal  hour  in  which  he  disappeared 
from  the  world  of  politics,  M.  Emile  Ollivier 
remained  in  almost  absolute  isolation.  The 
Academy,  which  had  received  him  with  joy  at 
the  time  of  his  success,  and  which  is  usually 
little  influenced  by  the  spirit  of  the  people  at 
large,  declined  to  authorise  his  inaugural  dis- 
course, because  there  was  in  it  an  eloquent  and 
a  courageous  eulogy  of  the  sovereign  whom  he 
had  served  and  loved.  He  resigned  after  this 
fresh  affront ;  and  his  voice  was  henceforth 
seldom  heard  except  in  private  gatherings, 
where  he  spoke  to  a  select  audience,  of  diverse 
religious  questions  which  he  was  thoroughly 
competent  to  discuss. 

Silence  had  fallen,  or  nearly  so,  on  his  name, 
when  an  incident  provoked  by  Prince  Bismarck 
recalled  it  to  all  lips.     He  then  appeared  before 


264  NAPOLEON  III. 

the  public,  happy  in  the  absolute  and  unexpected 
justification  which  he  had  received. 

Will,  however,  this  hour,  which  has  put  an 
end  to  his  unpopularity,  be  followed  by  those  in 
which  M.  Emile  Ollivier  will  triumph  over  the 
evil  stories  which  have  attached  to  his  memory  ? 
Will  it  be  followed  by  a  time  when  he  will  once 
more  enter  the  world  of  politics  and  make  the 
nation  hear  again  his  voice,  that  voice  of  gold  ? 

I  do  not  believe  that  he  will  ever  resume 
active  work  in  the  problems  which  agitate 
France.  I  do  not  believe  that  he  will  become 
the  partisan  of  that  liberty  which  betrayed  him. 
There  are  some  men  who  never  forgive  an  un- 
faithful mistress,  and  M.  Emile  Ollivier  im- 
presses me  as  a  man  of  this  nature.  Old 
to-day,  in  years  if  not  in  capabilities,  he  will 
remain  the  impassioned  spectator,  for  passion 
flows  in  his  blood,  and  the  melancholy  spec- 
tator, too,  it  may  be,  of  our  struggles,  our  fail- 
ures, and  of  the  subsequent  recovery  of  our 
power.  His  voice,  if  it  is  ever  raised  again, 
will  be  but  like  the  soft  tones  which,  according 
to  the  faith  of  mystics,  come  up  from  the  tombs 
to  console  those  who  still  live  on  the  earth,  and 
who  are  usually  unable  to  understand  their 
message. 


THE  APOTHEOSIS.  265 


VIII. 

THE    APOTHEOSIS. 

When  a  great  drama  is  approaching  its  close, 
when  the  curtain  is  about  to  fall  on  the  heroes 
and  the  heroines  of  a  world  of  imagination,  or 
on  the  splendours  of  a  ballet,  a  last  scene  sud- 
denly unfolds  itself ;  it  is  in  this  that  is  found 
the  synthesis  of  all  the  words,  all  the  acts,  all 
the  charms,  which  have  previously  moved  and 
amazed  the  public ;  it  is  in  this  that  is  found 
the  symbol  of  the  idea  which  was  the  inspira- 
tion of  the  entire  play.  This  supreme  revela- 
tion of  a  thought  fraught  in  moral  agony  has 
its  name ;  we  call  it  an  apotheosis. 

The  year  1867  had  just  opened.  The  lux- 
uries, the  loves,  the  follies,  and  the  glories  of 
the  Second  Empire  were  about  to  die.  Before 
passing  out,  however,  from  the  great  gates  of  the 
Tuileries,  never  to  return  again,  before  issu- 
ing thence  as  a  swarm  of  bees  which  has  lost  its 
queen  issues  from  the  hive,  and  fills  the  air  with 
stragglers,  which  beat  blindly  against  trees  and 
walls,  —  these  follies,  loves,  and  spirits  of  sloth- 


266  NAPOLEON  III. 

ful  luxury  raised  a  loud  cry  toward  heaven  and 
toward  mankind,  giving  the  world  a  last  proof 
of  their  vitality,  inviting  it  to  the  final  scene  of 
that  comedy  which  night  after  night  had  been 
acted  in  the  great  theatre  of  kings  and  nations. 

The  year  1867  had  just  opened.  The  cur- 
tain rose  on  the  apotheosis  of  the  Second 
Empire,  and  revealed,  like  so  many  living  lies 
created  to  conceal  the  great  darkness  which  was 
about  to  succeed  the  brilliancy  of  the  past,  and 
the  storm  which  was  to  follow  long  years  of 
peace,  men  with  crowns  on  their  heads  kneel- 
ing at  the  feet  of  Napoleon  III.,  offering  him 
their  homage  and  that  of  the  droves  of  human- 
ity, which,  like  themselves,  were  prostrate  before 
him  and  were  part  of  that  gigantic  and  dazzling 
picture  which  had  the  universe  as  an  admiring 
spectator. 

The  year  1867  had  just  opened.  The  Second 
Empire,  like  a  great  drum-major,  marking  time 
with  fife,  clarion,  and  drum,  marched  before  the 
kings  and  the  emperors  of  Europe,  and  bade 
them  sound  their  trumpets  and  call  the  roll  of 
their  glories ;  then  the  emperors  and  the  kings 
sounded  their  trumpets  and  called  the  roll  of 
their  glories,  as  though  they  had  been  poor 
trumpeters,  or  humble  sutlers  measuring  out 
the  rations  of  a  regiment.     The  apotheosis  was 


THE  APOTHEOSIS.  267 

complete  and  dazzling.  The  Second  Empire 
seemed  to  fade  away  within  it,  to  vanish  and 
give  place  —  itself  a  thing  too  paltry  for  so 
great  a  spectacle  —  to  an  enormous  shadow, 
a  formidable  spectre,  a  spectre  which  was  not 
unsightly  but  which  rose  bright  with  the  glo- 
ries of  the  past,  and,  standing  in  the  soft  haze, 
assumed  the  figure  of  that  Power  which  with 
one  thrust  of  its  sword  scarred  forever  at  its 
birth  the  brow  of  the  century.  It  seemed  as 
though  all  the  splendours  and  the  glories  of  the 
present  moment  were  but  the  uninterrupted 
splendours  and  glories  which  had  filled  the 
reign  of  Napoleon  I.,  of  him  who  remains  for 
all  ages  The  Emperor. 

The  year  1867  had  opened.  The  imperial 
legend  was  revived.  History  was  made  to  lie, 
and  the  past  was  proved  a  forger  ;  for  that 
legend  which  had  stolen  the  voice  of  fame,  hov- 
ered now  in  the  air  with  the  sound  of  stirring 
wings,  and  the  buried  glories  of  the  past  rose  in 
triumph.  The  snow  and  the  ice  of  Russia  had 
vanished,  for  Alexander,  who  was  their  master, 
is  here,  bowing  before  the  Emperor;  the  duke 
of  Reichstadt  was  not  dead,  was  never  buried 
alive  and  taken  from  his  father  by  Austria,  for 
Francis  Joseph  is  here  smiling  before  the  Em- 
peror ;  Waterloo  is  a  nightmare,  and  Bliicher  a 


268  NAPOLEON  III. 

fabulous  character,  for  William  of  Prussia  is 
leaning  on  the  arm  of  the  Emperor ;  Saint- 
Helena  is  a  melodrama,  a  product  of  the  fancy, 
for  England  sends  the  son  of  its  queen  to  lay 
his  youth  at  the  feet  of  the  Emperor.  The 
century  belongs  to  the  Empire  ;  and  the  Empire 
fills  it  with  its  power,  for  the  nations  now,  as  of 
old,  are  the  vassals  of  the  Emperor. 

The  year  1867  was  at  its  birth.  Its  dawn 
made  bright  an  apotheosis.  This  apotheosis 
was,  however,  a  mirage,  an  illusion.  If  the  year 
1867  seems  to  be  the  synthesis  of  the  reign 
which  it  celebrated,  it  was,  nevertheless,  power- 
less to  efface  the  gloom  which  preceded  it.  The 
disasters  which  it  sought  to  envelop  in  oblivion 
had,  nevertheless,  known  actual  existence.  An 
abyss  was  between  it  and  the  events  which  it 
wished  to  expel  from  history.  These  facts  are 
real  and  fearful,  despite  the  painted  scenes  and 
the  bright  lights  which  for  a  moment  concealed 
them.  The  chain  of  continuity  between  them 
and  the  events  then  in  evolution  was  not 
broken.  When  the  curtain  falls  on  the  last  act 
of  the  Second  Empire,  they  will  come  out  from 
the  darkness,  and  once  more  step  upon  the 
stage  of  the  world,  and  crowd  it  with  their  great 
numbers,  sweeping  all  before  them,  and  strew- 
ing the  boards  with  ruin,  casting  at  their  feet, 


THE  APOTHEOSIS.  269 

before  the  foot-lights,  the  Emperor,  the  Em- 
press, the  Prince  Imperial,  and  the  whole  court, 
carrying  away  the  eagle  from  the  nation's  flag, 
administering  a  death-draught  to  light  loves  and 
to  laughter,  —  to  the  glory  and  the  joy  of  a 
nation's  existence,  —  plucking  out  the  very  heart 
of  this  people,  and  displaying  it,  a  bloody  trophy, 
in  a  desolate  place. 

There  was  certainly  much  falsehood  and  vain 
glitter  in  the  imperial  magnificence  of  the  year 
1867,  magnificence  which  had  the  Exposition 
as  its  pretext.  We  cannot,  however,  remain 
true  to  history  and  yet  doubt  that,  despite  the 
superficiality  of  that  splendour  which  character- 
ised the  reign  of  Napoleon  III.,  and  gave  to  its 
events  an  appearance  of  strength  and  of  vitality 
which  in  truth  they  did  not  possess,  he  who 
reigned  at  the  Tuileries  had  yet  a  certain  power 
and  renown,  that  he  won  the  respect  of  em- 
perors and  kings,  and  inspired  with  real  fear 
the  nations  of  Europe. 

It  is  possible  that  King  William  of  Prussia 
and  Prince  Bismarck  had  even  at  this  time  a 
wish  to  lessen  the  authority  of  the  Empire  and 
to  involve  Napoleon  III.  in  some  imprudent 
enterprise  ;  it  is  not,  however,  likely  that,  con- 
fronted by  this  Empire  which  seemed   to  rest 


2/0  NAPOLEON  III. 

on  foundations  which  could  not  be  moved,  and 
by  an  Emperor  who  defied  destiny,  they  had 
any  feeling  of  certainty  that  a  day  would  dawn 
when  the  sovereign  whose  master  they  had  then 
become  would  fly  from  their  attacks,  a  vanquished 
power. 

King  William  and  Prince  Bismarck  had  no 
friendly  feelings  toward  France,  and  would  have 
asked  nothing  better  than  to  disarm  its  author- 
ity ;  but  they,  like  the  whole  world,  were  deceived 
by  its  appearance  of  strength,  and,  like  the  whole 
world,  yielded  to  the  influences  of  its  imposing 
personality.  They  made  their  plans  with  a 
spirit  of  fatal  hesitancy,  for  it  was  impossible 
for  them  to  estimate  accurately  the  state  of  our 
military  resources. 

The  Emperor  Napoleon  III.  was  not  ignorant 
of  the  sentiments,  more  or  less  sincerely  affec- 
tionate and  kindly,  entertained  for  him  and  his 
government  by  foreign  monarchs,  and  he  felt 
that  a  great  display  of  his  army  would  tend  to 
increase  the  prestige  of  France  before  the 
nations  of  Europe.  This  display  took  place  at 
Longchamps  on  the  sixth  of  June,  when  there 
gathered  on  the  plain  of  Boulogne,  under  the 
scorching  rays  of  the  sun,  about  one  hundred 
thousand  men. 

A  review,  the  great  review  of  the  masters  of 


THE  /1POTHEOSIS.  2/1 

the  earth  who  now  assembled  round  Napoleon 
III.,  gave  the  world  the  assurance  of  power,  and 
filled  it  with  the  honoured  glory  of  a  military 
force  at  the  very  zenith  of  its  power.  Magenta 
and  Solferino,  though  now  in  the  background  of 
contemporaneous  history,  gave  to  the  wild  notes 
of  the  clarion  the  flourish  of  victory,  and  under 
the  flaming  sky  the  blackened  gold  of  the 
ancient  flags  shone  with  the  scintillations  of 
powder.  The  entire  Guard  was  there,  and  all 
the  regiments  from  the  various  departments  of 
France.  In  front  of  the  tribunes,  where  the 
voice  of  the  crowd  was  heard  like  the  humming 
of  bees  round  a  hive,  the  long  line  of  grenadiers 
and  the  light  companies  waited.  From  behind 
and  toward  the  right,  in  the  direction  of  Saint- 
Cloud,  the  heavy  cavalry  emerged,  and,  made 
restive  by  its  stationary  position,  gave  vent  to 
its  impatience  by  the  neighing  of  horses  and  by 
the  clanking  of  swords.  In  the  centre  of  the 
panorama  the  stern  and  motionless  artillery  stood 
in  symmetrical  line,  a  great  mass  of  black.  At 
the  left,  half  lost  in  the  chaos  of  gilt  braid,  of 
plumes,  military  coats,  and  cuirasses,  the  in- 
fantry, with  grounded  arms,  gave  to  the  plain 
of  Longchamps,  which  for  a  day  was  like  the 
many-coloured  palette  of  an  artist,  a  note  of 
sombre  colour  and    also   the  austere  moral   of 


2/2  NAPOLEON  III. 

humility.  A  hundred  metres  from  the  tribunes 
lay  a  long  expanse  of  yellow  and  trampled  grass, 
spotted  with  dry  mud. 

The  open  fields  of  Suresne  looked  like  one 
enormous  ant-hill ;  and  the  railroad  station,  with 
its  wild  eddies  of  smoke  and  the  roaring  of 
engines,  let  the  people  rush  in  as  a  sluice-gate 
when  opened  leaves  waters  free  in  their  course. 
High  up  on  a  narrow  and  perpendicular  cliff 
Mont  Valerien  rose  and  lowered  over  Paris, 
expanding  its  great  brass  lungs,  that  at  the 
right  moment  it  might  shout  forth  the  glory  of 
the  sovereign. 

There  was  the  stir  of  eager  expectation  in 
the  crowd.  Every  one  held  his  watch  in  his 
hand,  trembling  with  feverish  joy.  Seats  were 
brought,  arranged,  and  fastened  to  the  ground. 
People  elbowed  and  pushed  each  other,  eager  to 
see  more ;  men  cried  out  to  the  women  to  shut 
their  parasols  ;  and  there  was  a  Babel  of  tongues 
and  voices,  of  laughter  and  oaths,  an  uproar 
like  the  tuning  of  the  instruments  of  an  orches- 
tra. Suddenly  a  cloud  of  dust  rose  to  the  sky, 
the  sound  of  a  cannon-discharge  filled  the  air 
and  echoed  far  over  the  the  plains  of  Suresne, 
and  the  people,  silenced  by  the  vibrating  air 
which  had  been  rent  by  powder,  waited  with 
bated  breath.     A  great  silence  reigned  over  the 


THE  APOTHEOSIS.  273 

plain  of  Longchamps.  Then,  like  a  mighty 
whirlwind,  with  the  sovereigns  of  Russia  and 
Prussia  at  his  side,  the  Emperor  appeared  on  a 
black  horse  whose  gilt  trappings  glittered  in 
the  sun.  It  was  a  wonderful  moment.  From 
above  the  cannon  resounded,  cleaving  the  air, 
thundering  forth  its  hundred  and  one  salutes, 
while,  as  though  electrified  by  the  same  com- 
mand, the  hundred  thousand  men  upon  the 
plain  presented  arms  and  shouted  loudly.  The 
skin  of  the  drums  grew  tense  under  the  beating 
sticks,  the  clarions  gave  forth  their  metallic 
notes,  and  the  shadow  of  the  flags,  lowered  in 
salute,  slowly  stretched  itself  out  along  the 
ground.  Trotting  rapidly  on  his  black  horse, 
the  Emperor  passed  before  the  grenadiers  and 
the  light  companies.  He  was  preceded  by 
Spahies,  who  caracoled  in  Oriental  disorder,  and 
who,  enveloped  in  the  flowing  folds  of  their  man- 
tles, seemed  to  advance  through  a  snow-storm. 
Behind  him  came  the  staff,  made  brilliant  and 
imposing  by  the  marshals,  generals,  and  foreign 
officers  who  escorted  the  Cent-Gardes.  As  it 
passed  before  the  tribunes,  the  Empress,  who 
was  in  the  central  loggia,  rose,  and  with  her 
the  whole  court.  The  three  sovereigns  then 
raised  their  caps  and  thus  passed  in  front  of 
the  troops.      These  three  men  traversing  the 


274  NAPOLEON  III. 

plain,  their  heads  bowed  low,  as  though  in 
homage,  over  the  necks  of  their  horses,  never 
knew  a  more  glorious  hour.  The  crowd,  scep- 
tical and  scornful  a  moment  before,  now  drew 
itself  up  in  wild  enthusiasm  ;  heads  were  un- 
covered, and  great  cheers  rose  from  the  people, 
mingling  with  the  hurrahs  of  the  army.  Alexan- 
der and  William  grew  dim  and  faded  away  in 
the  aureole  which  expanded  round  the  passage 
of  the  Emperor.  They  seemed  but  taken  in 
tow  by  the  glory  of  this  man,  who,  according  to 
the  expression  of  his  very  enemies,  had  plunged 
into  the  flood  in  the  midst  of  a  storm,  and  sought 
to  recover  his  name  from  the  depths  of  those 
waters  whose  waves  bathe,  and  lap  with  their 
tongues,  the  rock  of  Saint  Helena. 

Mont  Valerien  was  silent,  reposing  for  a  mo- 
ment before  again  shouting  forth  the  hosannas 
of  war.  The  long  line  of  troops  trembled  in 
mute  expectation.  The  Emperor,  after  having 
visited  all  the  ranks,  had  described  a  semicircle 
and  taken  up  his  place  in  front  of  the  official 
loggia.  A  marshal  left  for  a  moment  his  escort 
and  approached  him ;  then,  having  received  his 
orders,  in  a  voice  ringing  with  enthusiasm  and 
with  authority,  made  the  field  resound  with  the 
command  of  the  sovereign.  A  low,  volcanic 
rumbling   ran  over   the  seared  plain  of   Long- 


THE  APOTHEOSIS.  275 

champs.  The  hundred  thousand  men,  tired  of 
their  stationary  position,  proud  of  the  victories 
written  on  their  torn  flags,  began  to  move,  happy 
to  live  for  a  day  the  life  of  a  Napoleon. 

Like  a  ball  of  twine,  the  troops  unwound 
themselves  and  drew  out  like  one  long  thread, 
ready  to  pass  before  the  Emperor.  Six  horse- 
men of  Saint-Cyr  advanced  ahead  of  them,  and 
were  followed  by  the  battalion  from  the  military 
school,  whose  automatic  and  admirably  regular 
step  called  forth  much  applause.  Suddenly  a 
cloud  of  hot  dust  rose,  and  a  loud  noise  was 
heard.  A  chaos  of  red  turbans,  black  faces,  and 
blue  jackets  rushed  pell-mell  on  the  field,  run- 
ning in  savage  or  childish  disorder,  crying  and 
gesticulating^  and  filling  the  air  with  their  rough 
and  uncivilised  voices.  The  Turcomans,  those 
gamins  of  the  East,  those  spoiled  children  of 
the  Empire,  obtained  that  day  a  place  of  honour, 
and  took  their  position  immediately  behind  that 
of  the  Saint-Cyriens.  How  proud  they  were, 
those  emigrants  from  a  limitless  desert,  to  trav- 
erse with  their  free  and  undisciplined  steps 
the  great  fields  of  Longchamps  !  It  had  been 
told  them  in  the  morning  that  they  were  to  see 
the  Emperor,  that  they  were  to  speak  with  him, 
and  now  that  the  moment  had  come  they  rushed 
on  in  feverish  hurry.     The  Emperor,  who  was 


2/6  NAPOLEON  III. 

touched  by  the  childlike  joy  which  hastened 
toward  him  the  steps  of  those  adopted  children 
of  the  French  fatherland,  seemed  to  caress 
by  his  kindly  regard  their  tumultuous  onward 
march ;  and  when,  with  an  outburst  of  heartfelt 
enthusiasm,  they  leaped  toward  him,  waving 
their  guns  and  their  black  arms,  he  saluted 
them  with  a  long,  low  sweep  of  his  hat,  a  salute 
which  seemed  to  carry  with  it  an  expression  of 
comradeship.  Deeply  moved,  he  then  followed 
for  a  moment  with  his  eye  the  hellish  crowd 
which  yelled  his  name  :  "  L'Emperour  ! "  .  .  . 
it  cried,  "I'Emperour!"  .  .  . 

Beyond  the  enclosure  reserved  for  the  privi- 
leged public  there  arose,  where  were  assembled 
the  common  people,  great  shouts  and  cheers. 
They  pushed  and  elbowed  each  other  with  ter- 
rible force,  and  the  guards  were  obliged  to  cross 
their  bayonets  in  front  of  the  on-pressing  mass 
of  plebeians.  All  at  once  the  crowd  spied  its 
favourite  colours,  and  with  a  movement  of  sym- 
pathetic curiosity  people  stretched  their  necks 
and  rushed  forward  toward  those  who  were  seen 
advancing  on  the  run.  "  The  soldiers  !  "  they 
cried,  "the  soldiers!"  Voices  were  raised  in 
loud  exclamation  and  in  song.  The  crowd 
joined  in  the  airs  played  by  clarion  and  drum. 
"  Did  you  see  the  cap .'' "  was  the  oft-repeated 


THE  APOTHEOSIS.  2'J'J 

question,  "  the  pretty  cap  ?  "  Every  one  wanted 
to  see  and  to  salute  the  little  red  breeches 
which  the  labourer's  child  had  made  famous 
through  Paris.  The  line  had  drawn  up  abreast, 
and  now  stretched  from  one  side  to  the  other  of 
the  field,  beating  with  its  mighty  tread  the  hard 
ground.  In  unbroken  silence  it  passed,  receiv- 
ing the  bravos  which  greeted  it,  with  the  same 
stoicism  with  which  it  had  received  the  balls  of 
the  enemy,  while  over  the  whole  plain  the  sound 
of  human  voices  and  the  neighing  and  stamping 
of  horses  was  felt,  and  served  to  excite  more 
and  more  the  crowd,  which  was  already  half 
crazy. 

It  was  a  beautiful  sight.  The  sombre  colours 
had  retreated  to  the  background,  and  now  the 
entire  Guard,  grenadiers,  and  light  companies, 
advanced,  followed  by  the  cavalry,  which  flashed 
its  steel  across  the  fields,  making  them  glow  like 
beds  of  live  coals. 

The  full  glory  of  the  Empire  laid  itself  down, 
alive  and  trembling,  on  the  yellow  verdure  of 
Longchamps,  like  a  beautiful  woman  stretched 
out  upon  her  couch.  The  Empire  showed  to 
the  world  its  flashing  breast-plate,  and  drew  it- 
self up  proudly  in  the  dazzling  light  which 
enveloped  it,  trembling  in  every  nerve  through 
its   imperious   need   of    the    joys  which   it   had 


2/8  NAPOLEON  III. 

made  its  own.  Women  went  to  the  reviews  at 
Longchamps  with  spirits  weary  and  rebellious 
at  the  poverty  of  existence,  and  returned  full 
of  undefined  desire,  their  eyes  kindled  by  the 
brightness  of  those  golden  spangles  which 
shone  on  the  officers'  coats,  their  hearts  aglow 
with  newly  born  passions,  while  they  breathed 
through  dilated  nostrils  the  unknown  delights 
of  life,  and  passed  gaily  through  the  streets. 
Their  thought  was  little  for  the  victories  whose 
story  the  flags  told.  They  wore  their  gloves 
out  in  clapping,  but  their  bravos  were  addressed 
far  more  to  the  beautiful  uniforms  than  to  the 
renown  of  the  great  army.  The  supernatural 
spirit  of  the  Empire  stood  there  in  marvellous 
draperies.  A  legend  took  root  and  began  to 
grow  round  the  Guard,  which  waited  in  splen- 
dour and  magnificence  ;  and  it  seemed  as  though 
even  the  sun  cast  on  this  Guard  its  brightest 
rays.  It  seemed  as  though  the  star  "of  the 
Bonapartes,  which  had  set  on  the  day  which 
followed  Austerlitz,  had  risen  now  on  another 
Napoleon,  and  would  follow  the  voice  of  his 
wishes  as  faithfully  as  it  had  done  that  of  his 
great  ancestor.  Confronted  by  the  huge  bear- 
skin caps  of  the  grenadiers,  sweet  memories 
were  revived  in  the  minds  of  the  old,  and  hopes 
kindled  in  the  hearts  of  the  young.     Over  the 


THE  APOTHEOSIS.  279 

field  of  Longchamps,  where  little  by  little  the 
vision  faded  away,  eyes  travelled  far,  far  into 
the  distance,  till,  rising  above  the  Bois  de  Bou- 
logne, they  sought  the  dome  of  the  Invalides, 
under  which  the  crowd  remembered  that  "  the 
other  "  slept  his  eternal  sleep.  The  glory  and 
the  mighty  thunder  of  those  days  resounded 
like  echoes  of  war  in  the  ears  of  those  who 
were  assembled  there.  The  legend  expanded, 
it  crossed  the  field  at  a  giant's  stride,  and  men, 
forgetting  their  political  dissensions  and  bit- 
terness, accompanied  its  echoing  step  by  the 
rhythm  of  their  enthusiastic  cheers. 

A  noise  of  rattling  iron  and  lead  suddenly 
rose  over  the  plain,  accompanied  by  the  sound 
of  rumbling  wheels  crunching  the  ground. 
From  the  direction  of  Saint-Cloud  a  black  mass 
became  visible.  It  was  the  artillery,  which  in 
its  turn  had  begun  to  unwind.  The  cannons, 
with  their  yawning  mouths,  advanced  through  a 
flood  of  sunshine,  and  the  low  crackling  sound 
of  grape-shot  was  heard.  Some  of  the  waggons 
were  drawn  by  pure  •  white,  others  by  dark 
horses,  and  this  harmony  of  colours  pleased  the 
spectators.  It  was  truly  a  monstrous  exhibi- 
tion of  murderous  machines !  The  brazen 
pieces  cast  reddish  reflections  and  left  behind 
them    the  lurid   light  of    a  stormy    sky.     The 


28o  NAPOLEON  III. 

long  ramrods  hung  over  the  flanks  of  the  car- 
riages, and  were  knocked  up  and  down  on  the 
bruised  and  battered  wood.  Behind  these  came 
the  powder  and  bullet-carts,  and  following  them 
strange  carriages  with  top-awnings,  which  serve 
as  kitchens  in  time  of  campaign.  This  long 
line  passed  on  rapidly  and  disappeared  on  a  full 
trot,  its  noise  dying  away  like  that  of  a  sudden 
clap  of  thunder. 

For  a  moment  the  troops  paused  in  their 
onward  march.  The  silence  which  had  pre- 
ceded the  arrival  of  the  Emperor  was  again  felt 
over  the  field  of  review.  It  was  thought  that 
the  exercises  were  finished,  and  the  crowd  pre- 
pared to  scatter,  when  it  was  checked  by  an 
imperious  command.  From  far  in  the  distance 
ten  thousand  cuirassiers  rushed  forward  in  a 
furious  charge  upon  the  tribunes,  then,  facing 
about,  they  described  a  semicircle  and  passed 
like  a  hurricane  before  the  imperial  staff,  mak- 
ing savage  leaps  and  bounds  like  Titans.  This 
was  the  final  moment,  the  climax  as  it  were, 
of  the  whole,  A  nervous  tremour  passed 
through  the  crowd ;  skin  and  muscle  were 
felt  to  tighten,  and  with  cries  like  that  of  wild 
animals,  people  rushed  on  the  barriers,  which 
gave  way  before  them.  It  seemed  as  though 
the  tribunes  must   sink  under  the  cheers   and 


THE  APOTHEOSIS.  28 1 

hurrahs.  A  world  was  there,  which  watched 
with  pride  and  satisfaction  this  frightful  charge. 
The  cuirassiers  bore  with  their  flags  the  true 
spirit  of  war,  and  this  spirit  passed  from  them 
to  the  people.  If  the  grenadiers  had  awakened 
memories,  these  men  evoked  legends.  The 
dire  story  of  Waterloo  rushed  onward  with 
them,  and  its  awful  name  was  repeated  over 
and  over  as  though  it  recalled  hymns  of  victory. 
The  imperial  epic  was  revived  by  these  regi- 
ments of  steel.  The  glories  of  the  past  pressed 
forward,  at  once  bloody  and  radiant  as  though 
they  had  issued  from  the  colossal  womb  of 
some  menacing  chimaera,  and  with  their  metallic 
cries  cut  the  air,  which  was  thick  with  smoke 
and  warm  with  battle. 

When  the  last  cuirassier  had  disappeared, 
the  staff  reassembled  in  its  turn,  and  the  three 
sovereigns,  taking  the  field,  advanced  slowly 
till  they  were  within  ten  metres  of  the  official 
loggia.  They  then  paid  their  homage  to  the 
Empress  in  a  salute,  and,  followed  by  the  es- 
cort of  princes  and  marshals,  wheeled  about, 
while  Mont  Valerien  once  more  took  up,  in  its 
basso  profimdo,  and  brought  to  its  close,  the 
hymn  of  war. 

This,  then,  was  the  review  of  Longchamps, 
which    will    remain    famous    in    the    annals    of 


282  NAPOLEON  III. 

France.  Though  it  commenced  under  a  bril- 
liant sun,  it  nevertheless  closed  in  darkness. 
After  Napoleon  III.,  the  King  of  Prussia,  and 
Emperor  Alexander  of  Russia,  had  dismounted, 
and  were  returning  in  a  carriage  across  the 
Bois  de  Boulogne,  a  shot  resounded  which  had 
been  directed  against  the  Emperor  of  Russia, 
who  was  seated  by  the  side  of  Napoleon  III., 
and  a  ball  struck  the  head  of  the  horse 
which  M.  Raimbaud,  one  of  the  equerries  of 
the  Tuileries,  was  riding.  The  poor  animal 
fell  ;  while  the  two  sovereigns,  covered  with 
blood  and  very  pale,  insisted  that  they  had 
received  no  injury. 

This  event  is  well  known,  and  I  shall  not 
describe  its  dramatic  circumstances.  It  had  as 
an  almost  immediate  result,  however,  an  inter- 
view between  Napoleon  III.  and  the  Emperor 
Alexander.  It  is  this  interview,  an  account 
of  which  was  given  by  Napoleon  III.  to  Count 

W ,  but  which  has  as  yet  never  been  made 

public,  that  I  am  about  to  reproduce  here. 

A  few  days  after  the  review  of  the  sixth  of 
June,  Napoleon  III.  and  Alexander  II.  shut 
themselves  in  a  little  study  in  the  Tuileries, 
and  there  conversed  together  alone.  After 
having  discussed  the  attempt  on  the  life  of 
Alexander,  which  had  taken  place  in  the  Bois 


THE  APOTHEOSIS.  283 

de  Boulogne  and  which  was  occupying  the 
mind  of  the  public,  they  began  to  speak  of 
liberty,  that  liberty  which  at  this  time  was 
struggling  for  supremacy  in  certain  parts  of 
Europe.  Alexander  II.,  who  was  by  nature 
liberal,  approved  of  the  movement,  of  which 
he  was,  indeed,  one  of  the  promoters.  He, 
however,  approved  of  it  with  a  practical  real 
isation  of  the  dangers  which  it  would  neces- 
sarily create  round  him,  ready,  nevertheless, 
through  his  generous  spirit,  to  face  these  dan- 
gers. Napoleon  III.,  also  a  socialist  at  heart, 
rejoiced  in  that  current  of  public  opinion  which 
was  destined  to  change  the  present  policy  of 
his  government ;  but  in  his  rejoicing  he  denied 
the  presence  of  peril,  his  heart  filled  with  the 
fervour  and  the  mysticism  of  a  believer.  A 
dialogue  therefore  ensued  between  the  two 
men,  which  Alexander  opened. 

"  We  live,"  said  he,  "  in  an  age  when  it  is 
said  that  we  must  love  freedom  ;  and  I  do,  as  do 
those  who  believe  that  freedom  will  regenerate 
the  world,  that  is,  I  love  it.  What  benefit  have 
I  to  reap,  however,  by  being  liberal  .''  It  will 
result  for  me  in  the  constant  fear  of  assassina- 
tion on  the  street  corner.  I  should  like  to 
forget  the  attempt  made  against  my  life  only  a 
few  days  ago  in  France,  but  how  can  I  .-•     Does 


284  NAPOLEON  III. 

not  our  very  conversation  recall  it  fatally  to  my 
mind  ?  It  is  in  vain  that  one  seeks  to  attenuate 
the  horror  of  assassination  under  the  false  pre- 
text of  an  exalted  patriotism.  Berezowski  was 
led  by  no  race  prejudice  when  he  took  his  aim 
at  me ;  he  but  yielded  to  that  mighty  spirit  of 
liberality  which  is  rising  against  us  who  are 
emperors  and  kings,  and,  as  it  is  believed,  open 
and  unflinching  enemies  of  all  progress.  What, 
however,  does  regret  avail }  The  people  claim 
their  independence,  their  freedom,  and  I  am 
among  those  who  are  ready  to  give  them  what 
they  ask.  I  will  create  a  liberal  Russia,  and  I 
shall  hope  to  make  it  as  strong  under  the  re'ghne 
of  liberty  as  have  my  predecessors  under  that 
of  autocracy.  My  purpose,  however,  ceases 
here  ;  I  see  too  clearly  the  dire  condition  of 
affairs  to  raise  any  air-castles  for  my  own 
future.  I  hope  to  gain  nothing  either  for  my- 
self or  for  my  people  by  liberty  ;  and  were  I 
called  upon  to  express  my  whole  feeling  in  this 
matter,  I  should  say  that  I  expect  but  evil  to 
result  therefrom.  The  new  spirit,  Sire,  will 
kill  the  old.  Liberty  will  lay  on  us  the  hand 
of  a  master,  and  who  knows  but  that  I  shall  be 
the  first  among  the  sovereigns  of  Europe  to  fall 
under  the  stroke  of  the  fanatic  }  The  ball  which 
to-day  swerved  from  the  path  toward  which  it 


THE  APOTHEOSIS.  285 

was  directed  will  to-morrow  hit  its  mark  ;  this 
ball  is  speeding  along  my  way,  and  I  feel  it  in 
the  air." 

Napoleon  III.  was  somewhat  surprised  by 
these  words. 

"  Our  political  education,"  he  replied,  "  has 
not  been  the  same.  Yours,  having  diverged 
from  its  source  through  a  love  of  humanity,  is 
yet  influenced  by  early  anti-liberal  tendencies. 
While  hastening  toward  it,  you  still  fear  liberty. 
Comfort  yourself,  nevertheless.  The  people  are 
good,  and  by  no  means  ungrateful.  Though 
the  populace  hides  in  its  ranks  a  few  such  mon- 
sters as  he  who  lately  attacked  your  life  and 
outraged  the  hospitality  which  I  have  extended 
to  you,  it  is  not  just  to  feel  that,  on  this  account, 
it  must  be  entirely  made  up  of  monsters.  Alms 
appease  the  bitterness  of  the  poor,  and  liberty 
will  cast  oil  on  the  resentment  and  the  enmity 
of  the  people ;  it  will  be  to  them  a  consolation 
in  the  midst  of  their  sufferings.  A  day  will 
come  when  I  shall  grant  freedom  to  France  ; 
and  on  that  day  I,  who,  as  well  as  you,  Sire, 
was  exposed  to  the  assassin's  ball,  shall  no 
longer  fear  for  the  safety  of  my  life.  The 
people  will  bless  me,  and  I  shall  lead  them  with 
a  strong  hand  toward  new  destinies." 

"  Your  Majesty  may  be  right,"  replied  Alex- 


286  NAPOLEON  HI. 

ander  II.,  "  but  despite  myself  I  can  but  doubt 
and  fear.  I  have,  moreover,  no  faith  in  the 
agglomeration  of  races  and  in  the  unity  of 
nations." 

"Are  you  alluding,"  asked  Napoleon  III., 
"  to  the  theory  of  national  unity .'' " 

"  Does  not  this  very  theory.  Sire,  to  which  I 
was  indeed  referring,  and  which  is  the  broad 
and  illimitable  consequence  of  the  principle  of 
liberal  government,  seem  to  you  like  the  su- 
preme consecration  of  our  effacement,  as  the 
acme  of  that  danger  which  is  destined  to  fall 
on  our  thrones  and  to  crush  them  .'* " 

"  Italy  and  Germany  have  established  their 
unity,  and  I  see  no  evidence  that  their  sover- 
eigns suffer  from  the  political  and  social  system 
which  they  have  adopted.  Were  nations  gath- 
ered together  in  an  universal  confederation 
tending  to  destroy  in  them  all  spirit  of  patriot- 
ism and  all  race  feeling,  they  would  then,  of 
course,  have  little  interest  in  creating  emperors 
and  kings.  Such  a  stage  of  progress  is,  how- 
ever, far  in  the  future.  Nations  are  like  chil- 
dren who,  when  they  emerge  from  swaddling 
clothes  have  need  of  leading  strings,  and  of 
strong  arms  when  they  try  to  take  their  first 
steps.  As  the  years  pass  they  will  increase  in 
strength,  and  learn  to  move  firmly  on  their  feet. 


THE  APOTHEOSIS.  287 

They  will  aavance  without  ceasing  toward  a 
better  condition,  toward  an  era  of  certain  prog- 
ress. An  hour  will  then  come  when  they 
shall  have  no  further  need  of  being  guided  in 
life,  through  which  they  will  pass  free  and 
strong  into  the  future.  In  that  hour,  Sire,  our 
end  will  come.  We  shall  have  to  appear  in  the 
public  places  and  to  mingle  with  the  masses  ; 
we  shall  be  required  to  blend  our  thoughts  and 
personalities  with  those  of  the  community ;  we 
shall  be  required" — here  a  mischievous  smile 
appeared  on  his  face  —  "  to  descend  from 
our  thrones  and  to  take  up  our  seats  in  the 
chimney-corner. ' ' 

Emperor  Alexander  shook  his  head  sadly. 
"  Your  heart  is  kind,  Sire,"  he  said  gently, 
with  an  expression  of  affectionate  pity,  "  your 
heart  is  kind  ;  may  it  be  rewarded  by  an  oppor- 
tunity for  so  much  resignation." 
His  tone  then  suddenly  changed. 
"  Why,"  he  continued,  "  why  can  we  not  at 
least  march  together  toward  this  future  which 
you   evoke   with   a   spirit   of   assurance   and   of 
serenity,  and  whose  advent  I  dread  because  I 
do  not  believe  in  the  virtue  of  national  unity  ; 
because    I    see    in    the    results   of    this    theory 
dangers  which   God   alone  can  reveal  to  us  in 
their  entirety  ?     Why,  ah,  why  have  not  politics 


288  NAPOLEON  III. 

made  us  allies  ?  We  should  have  loved  each 
other." 

Sincere  emotion  took  possession  of  Napoleon 
III.  A  little  pale,  he  raised  his  head  and  looked 
into  the  face  of  Alexander. 

"  As  it  is,  Sire,"  he  said  with  a  smile,  "  as  it  is, 
do  we  not  love  each  other  .-*  " 

Emperor  Alexander  did  not  reply  ;  but  he  rose 
and  went  toward  Napoleon  III.,  and  taking  his 
two  hands  in  his,  he  pressed  them  warmly. 

This  was  a  solemn  moment,  born  in  the  first 
hour  of  a  crisis  which  was  destined  to  bear  the 
dynasty  of  the  Bonapartes  far  from  the  throne. 
Napoleon  III.,  however,  waited  unmoved,  and 
let  it  pass  him  by.  Having  returned  the  pres- 
sure of  the  Emperor's  hand,  he  directed  the 
conversation  into  channels  which  lay  wide  apart 
from  those  problems  which  were  dearest  to  him. 


THE  DRAM  A.  289 


IX. 


THE    DRAMA. 


[_The  year  1867  having  closed  in  joy  and 
brightness,  the  politics  of  the  Second  Empire 
suffered  a  change,  and  its  private  and  public  life 
were  transformed.  The  drama  which  was  to 
cast  darkness  over  its  last  hours  now  opened. 

In  the  years  which  were  past,  events  had 
rushed  rapidly  upon  each  other,  as  waves  on  a 
day  of  storm  hurry  toward  the  shore,  and  hurl 
themselves  upon  each  other,  eager  to  spread  out 
along  the  land,  or  else  to  tear  themselves  on  the 
rocks.  In  those  years  events  had  arisen  and 
succeeded  each  other  with  a  logical  continuity  ; 
forgotten  facts,  of  which  I  spoke  in  the  preced- 
ing chapter,  emerged  from  the  shadow,  and  re- 
appeared with  a  menacing  expression  in  the  face 
of  joys  and  feverish  excitements  which  have  not 
yet  ceased  to  be  like  revengeful  spectres. 

Since  the  year  1867,  and  even  during  the 
festivities  of  that  year,  political  revolutions  had 
been  accomplished,  to  which  little  attention  was 
given.     Stirring  debates  had  taken  place  in  the 


290  NAPOLEON  III. 

Legislative  Corps,  as  well  as  in  the  Senate, 
concerning  certain  works  which  were  judged 
licentious  by  the  authoritative  moralists  of  the 
Second  Empire.  The  prosecution  of  the  authors 
was  demanded  and  penalties  attached ;  and  not 
satisfied  by  this  appeal  to  extreme  severity 
which  was  opposed  to  the  spirit  of  the  Emperor, 
the  authors  were  traced  and  found. 
[  A  revolution  had  taken  place  around  Napo- 
leon III.,  and  a  formidable  opposition  had  arisen 
against  him  in  the  very  Tuileries,  whose  pur- 
pose was  to  check  the  fulfilment  of  his  plans 
for  liberal  reforms.  The  Empress  had  reso- 
lutely taken  direction  of  this  movement,  and 
had,  by  aid  of  intrigue,  won  her  cause  on  sev- 
eral occasions.  By  such  means,  and  through 
the  intervention  of  M.  Rouher,  she  succeeded 
in  expelling  from  the  presidency  of  the  Legisla- 
tive Corps,  Count  Walewski,  whose  chair  was 
offered  to  M.  Schneider. 

It  was  also  found  necessary  in  this  year,  on 
account  of  the  attitude  assumed  by  Prussia,  to 
abandon  the  annexation  of  Luxemburg,  which 
had  been  declared,  consented  to,  and  amicably 
arranged  for  with  the  Netherlands. 

A  fearful  thunderbolt  had  made  itself  felt 
in  the  midst  of  the  gaiety  and  the  folly  which 
succeeded  the  Exposition.     The  tragic  death  of 


THE  DRAMA.  29 1 

Maximilian,  Emperor  of  Mexico,  had  filled  with 
momentary  horror  the  royal  guests  of  the  Tui- 
leries.  The  blood  of  the  unhappy  man  of  Ouere- 
taro  had  seemed  to  spurt  across  the  seas,  and  to 
stain  the  gay  faces  of  those  men  and  women 
who  lived  in  thoughtless  enjoyment  of  the 
imperial  festivities. 

Finally,  the  volley  fired  at  Mentana,  a  volley 
arranged  in  order  to  meet  the  exigencies,  the 
superstition,  and  the  resentment  of  the  Empress, 
had  provoked  a  rupture  between  France  and 
Italy,  had  separated  forever  Napoleon  III.  and 
Victor  Emmanuel,  and  prepared  the  claims 
and  the  neutrality  of  the  Re  galantiioino,  which 
the  future  was  to  make  manifest. 

Day  followed  day,  and  events  succeeded  each 
other  rapidly. 

The  year  1868  lighted  the  Lantcrne  of 
Rochefort,  and  cast  from  her  throne  Queen 
Isabella  of  Spain  ;  dissensions,  too,  among  the 
masses,  both  in  Paris  and  in  the  provinces, 
caused  some  disquietude.  New  men  with  un- 
heard-of names  rose  daily  and  spoke  to  the 
people,  inspiring  them  with  bitter  hatred  of  the 
Empire.  The  old,  who  in  the  past  had  kindled 
in  the  people  a  spirit  antagonistic  to  tyranny, 
fell  now,  exhausted  by  battle  and  by  the  weight 
of    years ;    but    the    young    rose    up    in    their 


292  NAPOLEON  III. 

places,  carried  on  their  discourses,  and  assumed 
with  even  greater  boldness  their  attitude,  while 
the  crowd  listened  and  applauded. 

In  1869  a  priest,  Pere  Hyacinthe,  fell  from 
the  pulpit  which  he  had  occupied  with  renown, 
and  to  which  he  had  drawn  the  attention  of  the 
court  and  of  the  people  at  large,  and  his  fall 
had  an  ominous  sound.  His  renunciation  of 
those  things  which  he  had  hitherto  venerated, 
stirred  all  souls  and  filled  many  hearts  with 
terror. 

The  Emperor  having  succeeded,  despite  the 
difficulties  occasioned  by  his  campaign,  and 
despite  the  party  which  had  sprung  up  as  a 
result  of  this  campaign,  in  putting  to  a  practical 
test  his  ideas  of  liberalism,  political  reunions 
took  place  every  evening,  where  violent  and 
abusive  language  was  heard,  whose  echoes 
reached  the  Tuileries  with  messages  of  lugu- 
brious warning.  Words,  too,  were  soon  ex- 
changed for  deeds  ;  and  the  streets  were  invaded 
by  uproarious  bands  from  the  outskirts  of 
Paris,  as  well  as  by  the  silent  patrol  of  the 
soldiers. 

There  were  riots.  The  boulevards  were 
thronged  v/ith  a  half-crazy  people,  and  the 
troops  made  furious  charges,  killing  without 
mercy. 


THE  DRAMA.  293 

The  people  made  their  onslaught  against  the 
Empire  with  the  revived  fury  of  tragic  and 
revolutionary  days  experienced  in  the  past. 
The  soldiers,  cradled  in  the  imperial  legend, 
humoured  and  flattered  by  power,  both  by  in- 
stinct and  profession  enemies  of  peace  and 
rejoicing  in  warfare,  prepared,  with  all  the  en- 
thusiasm of  praetorians,  for  massacre. 

Regiments  quitted  their  garrisons  and  came 
to  Paris  as  they  would  have  marched  on  a 
foreign  city  ;  and  they  were  seen  to  pass,  the 
war-cry  on  their  lips  and  a  menacing  accent 
in  their  steps,  behind  the  captains  who  com- 
manded them. 

The  Guard  in  a  state  of  agitation  awaited  in 
its  quarters  at  Versailles,  at  Saint-Cloud,  at 
Saint-Maur,  and  at  Saint-Germain,  the  com- 
mand which  would  interrupt  its  peace,  and 
anger  and  drunkenness  entered  its  ranks. 

This  was  a  precursory  period.  The  Legis- 
lative Corps  and  the  Senate,  seized  by  the 
moral  agony  which  had  taken  possession  of  the 
whole  nation,  were  unfortunate  in  their  delib- 
erations, and  lingered  over  futile  and  harmful 
discussions,  exerting  their  strength  in  volleys 
of  words  which  increased  the  nervous  exhaus- 
tion of  every  one,  and  accentuated  in  disturbed 
and  hesitating  minds  an  innate  lack  of  equi- 
librium. 


294  NAPOLEON  III. 

Despite  this  overthrow,  however,  of  all  which 
had  existed  under  the  Second  Empire,  of  all 
which  had  constituted  its  glory,  there  yet  lin- 
gered round  it  a  sort  of  radiance.  The  in- 
auguration of  the  Suez  Canal  brought  a  moment 
of  repose  to  the  follies  and  furies  of  the  Second 
Empire ;  and  the  Emperor,  who  had  sent  his 
consort  to  represent  him  on  Eastern  soil,  had 
reason  to  believe  that  the  truce  afforded  him 
by  destiny  would  have  a  glorious  morrow. 

From  such  a  dream  he  awoke  in  sorrow ;  but, 
always  a  fatalist,  he  watched  the  steady  devel- 
opment of  events  with  surprise  yet  without 
fear.  The  liberty  which,  after  proclaiming  the 
edict  of  absolute  power,  he  had  sought  to  es- 
tablish, disappointed  his  hopes.  The  ideal, 
however,  had  grown  to  be  a  part  of  him,  and  he 
believed  in  its  excellence.  He  did  not  argue 
with  himself  that  a  return  to  those  prerogatives 
which  he  had  at  one  time  enjoyed  might  save 
his  throne  from  threatening  danger.  He  re- 
sorted to  no  violent  act  of  authority  in  order 
to  recover  the  prestige  and  power  which  he  had 
for  a  long  time  enjoyed.  Resigned  or,  more 
properly,  confident  of  the  justice  of  that  mis- 
sion which  he  had  undertaken,  and  of  the  im- 
mutability of  destiny,  —  that  destiny  which, 
according  to   his  faith,  no  circumstance  could 


THE  DRAM/1.  295 

serve  to  modify,  —  he  faced  with  philosophical 
calm  the  new  and  strange  events  which  trans- 
pired round  him,  and  watched  them  with  im- 
passive  mind. 

The  festivities  and  magnificences  which 
accompanied  the  opening  of  the  Suez  Canal 
brought  a  smile  of  contentment  to  his  pale  lips. 
He  raised  his  voice  with  a  cry  of  joy,  he 
stretched  out  his  hands  toward  the  little  spot 
of  blue  which  had  appeared  in  the  heavily 
clouded  sky,  a  gleam  of  brightness  kindled  by 
beams  from  his  own  reign.  He  forgot  the 
injuries  dealt  his  throne  by  the  repeated  at- 
tacks of  his  enemies.  He  forgot  the  bitterness 
which  life^  had  brought,  life  which  is  the  same 
for  king  and  plebeian,  which  tires  of  happiness, 
and  ordains  that  tears  shall  succeed  joy. 

The  Emperor  Napoleon  HI.  was  good  and 
believed  in  goodness.  Strong  in  the  greatness 
of  his  name,  strong  in  the  consciousness  of 
deeds  of  kindness  freely  performed  by  him, 
he  had,  during  his  reign,  the  conviction  that  he 
was  loved  by  the  people,  nor  was  he  in  error 
here.  When  men  whom  he  did  not  know  rose 
before  him  with  hatred  on  their  faces,  he  was 
filled  with  astonishment,  but  did  not  for  a 
moment  dream  that  their  anathemas  could  find 
a  ready  echo  among   the    people.     He  looked 


296  NAPOLEON  III. 

on  these  men,  and  on  the  events  which  they 
created,  with  a  feeling  of  sadness,  with  the 
sorrow  of  a  person  who  hates  evil  and  who  yet 
feels  its  hand  laid  upon  himself.  It  would  cer- 
tainly have  been  possible  for  him  to  respond 
to  the  attacks  and  insults  of  which  he  was  the 
victim,  by  an  implacable  exercise  of  his  author- 
ity, by  the  abandonment  of  the  humanitarian 
dream  which  had  inspired  his  liberalism.  He, 
however,  never  conceived  of  such  vengeance. 
He  felt  that  he  owed  the  people  and  the  gov- 
ernment the  consolation  and  the  mitigation 
which  he  had  promised  them.  He  felt  now 
as  he  had  done  years  ago  when,  after  a  long 
exile,  he  set  his  feet  on  French  soil,  that  he 
was  Napoleon,  that  he  was  a  man  predestined 
by  a  legend,  and  that  no  force  could  cast  him 
without  the  pale  of  history. 

The  inauguration  of  the  Suez  Canal,  whose 
glory  belonged  to  him,  and  the  success  of  the 
plebiscite  in  1870,  confirmed  this  assurance. 
Despite  the  physical  infirmities  of  age,  despite 
his  moral  suffering,  he  held  himself  erect,  and 
was  filled  with  a  fervour  and  an  enthusiasm 
which  urged  him  toward  the  future.  Neither 
the  voices  of  praise,  however,  which  came  to 
him  from  the  East,  nor  the  last  cheers  of  the 
nation  which  saluted  his  name,  could  give  back 


THE  DR/IMA.  297 

to  him  the  bodily  and  mental  force  of  past 
years.  The  strength  which  had  enabled  him  to 
take  possession  of  the  throne  was  no  longer  at 
his  command ;  he  tottered  as  he  advanced 
toward  the  future  for  which  he  longed,  and, 
like  a  wounded  duelist  who  lets  the  sword  fall 
from  his  stiff  fingers,  he  relinquished  his  own 
personality,  and  watched  events  stoically,  while 
men  in  whose  bosoms  were  hidden  the  invisible 
and  the  unknown,  passed  on.  He  was  crushed 
by  them,  as  some  poor  victim  fallen  in  the 
streets  of  Paris  would  be  crushed  by  the  heavy, 
rumbling  carts. 

The  Second  Empire  perished.  All  the  hours 
of  its  glory  were  dead,  and  over  their  remains 
Destiny  chanted  its  De  Profnndis,  while  the 
drama  which  was  to  fill  with  terror  its  last 
days  slowly  developed. 

It  might  have  been  expected  that  in  the  pres- 
ence of  events  which  fell  on  the  world  with  all 
the  ruinous  rapidity  of  avalanches,  the  one  on 
the  other,  the  Jiabitii^s  of  the  Tuileries  would 
lay  aside  their  enticing  follies.  It  might  have 
been  expected  that  before  those  threats  which 
rose  clear  on  the  horizon,  the  court  would  grow 
sober,  and  seek  to  evade  the  danger  which  was 
marching  implacably  toward  it.  It  was  not, 
however,   so.     Politicians  who    frequented    the 


298  NAPOLEON  III. 

Tuileries  made  no  allusion  at  this  time  to  the 
future  of  the  imperial  dynasty,  while  the  world- 
lings and  Jiabitues  of  the  palace  remained  alike 
unconscious  of  the  people's  claims  and  of  the 
hostility  shown  by  foreign  nations. 

In  their  ignorance  of  the  public  agitation, 
they  continued  to  enjoy  the  easy  existence 
which  they  had  made  for  themselves ;  they 
abandoned  none  of  their  diversions,  but,  on  the 
contrary,  plunged  deeper  into  the  flood  of 
pleasure. 

The  feeble  opposition  of  the  "  Five "  was 
far  in  the  background.  To  this  little  group 
of  adversaries  had  succeeded  a  legion  of  men 
who  were  resolved  to  overthrow  the  Empire. 
There  were  daily  dissensions  in  the  Legislative 
Corps,  and  discussions  which  slowly  but  surely 
took  from  the  government  of  the  Tuileries  what 
authority  and  prestige  still  remained  to  it. 

The  court  mocked  the  men  who  assumed  a 
violent  attitude  before  the  government.  It 
denied  the  power  of  the  rebels  who  advanced 
toward  it  with  hatred  in  their  hearts.  With 
a  complete  absence  of  moral  courage,  it  turned 
disdainfully  from  those  who  tried  to  warn  it 
of  the  danger,  and  in  a  profound  egoism  it 
deplored  the  apprehensions  of  the  Emperor, 
and  sought  to  destroy  them  by  multiplying  the 


THE  DRAMA.  299 

frivolities  and  enjoyments  which  existed  round 
him.  The  court  was  at  this  time,  as  I  have 
already  said,  an  assembly  of  fools  of  both  sexes 
which  nothing  served  to  quiet. 

In  the  face  of  the  disturbing  prophecies 
which  passed  lugubriously  through  the  days 
of  the  Second  Empire,  it  experienced  no  emo- 
tion, no  sadness,  no  fear.  It  believed,  perhaps, 
lacking  as  it  was  in  all  just  appreciation  of 
the  nature  of  affairs,  that  this  was  but  a 
political  disturbance  of  weak  vitality  which  one 
word  from  the  Emperor  would  destroy.  At  no 
time  did  it  dream  of  the  dissatisfaction  with 
which  its  own  philosophy  of  life  filled  the 
nation.  It  even  found  in  the  opposition  raised 
against  the  Tuileries  a  source  of  some  amuse- 
ment, and  a  new  diversion  was  added  to  the 
many  which  were  enjoyed  by  the  Empress. 
When  the  elections  of  1869  appointed  to  the 
Legislative  Corps  unknown  men  who  were  to 
overthrow  the  Empire,  the  court  made  sport 
of  these  men.  Caricatures  were  drawn  of 
them  in  the  Tuileries,  and  their  eloquence 
parodied,  their  attitudes  aped  with  a  spirit  of 
mockery,  and  the  Lanterne  of  Rochefort  be- 
came a  favourite  journal  among  the  Jiabitu^s  of 
the  palace.  The  Empress  did  not  resist  the 
popular  follies,  but,  while  feigning  indignation, 


300  NAPOLEON  HI. 

became  the  assiduous  reader  of  this  paper. 
This  fact  may  seem  improbable,  but  it  can  be 
affirmed  by  those  who  knew  the  Empress  in 
her  private  hfe. 

The  years  1867,  1868,  and  1869  are  char- 
acterised by  the  death  agony  of  a  society  which 
perished  from  the  excesses  of  life. 

I  do  not  wish  to  appear  in  the  light  of  a 
morbid  writer  who  is  opposed  to  all  enjoyment. 
It  is,  nevertheless,  evident  that  the  conduct  of 
the  men  and  women  of  the  Tuileries,  in  inspir- 
ing the  masses  with  discontent,  and  in  wounding 
the  half-hypocritical  puritanism  which  foreign 
nations  had  at  that  time  assumed,  —  and  which, 
indeed,  they  still  assume  in  our  presence,  — 
had  alienated  from  it  the  sympathies  which  in 
the  hour  of  political  crises  and  revolt  would 
have  been  helpful  to  it.  The  frivolous  life, 
too,  of  the  men  and  women  of  the  Tuileries 
must  have  had  a  fatal  influence  on  these  men 
and  women  themselves.  Weary  and  enervated 
by  so  many  days  of  uninterrupted  gaiety,  they 
remained  without  physical  force  or  power  of 
moral  resistance  when  misfortune  overtook 
them.  There  was  no  alternative  but  resigna- 
tion ;  they  were  like  men  who,  rising  from  a 
feast,  find  themselves  in  a  state  of  intoxication, 
and  can  but  lean  against  some  wall,  powerless 


THE  DRAMA.  3OI 

to  regain  their  bearings,  and  who  watch  with 
vapid  mind  and  soul  the  passing  mockers  and 
those  who  toss  encouraging  words  to  them  as 
they  stand  there  helpless. 

When  the  men  and  the  women  who  had  filled 
with  their  laughter,  their  gallantry,  and  their 
beauty  the  reign  of  Napoleon  III.,  fell  into  the 
gutter,  other  men  arose,  who,  young  and  healthy 
in  body  and  mind,  made  their  claims  heard,  and 
urged  the  duty  of  humanity.  The  nation  lis- 
tened to  them,  the  nation  followed  their  lead 
with  applause  on  its  lips,  and  enthusiasm  in  its 
heart,  and  anger,  as  well,  that  it  should  so  long 
have  maintained  an  allegiance  to  this  decaying 
society ;  it  grew  strong  in  the  hope  of  seeing 
arise  on  its  misery  and  bondage  a  new  day  bright 
with  promise. 

When  the  year  1870  initiated  the  old  govern- 
ment into  a  new  policy,  —  as  young  blood  is 
sometimes  transfused  into  the  veins  of  an  old 
person,  —  there  was  a  great  stir  in  the  faubourgs, 
and  the  symptoms  of  a  fever,  sure  to  cause  de- 
lirium, became  evident  in  the  crowd.  Some 
believed  that  the  liberal  Empire  would  conduct 
France  peacefully  toward  a  period  of  happiness  ; 
but  those  with  the  most  foresight  and  the  boldest 
spirits  only  smiled  and  shrugged  their  shoulders 
when    an    era   of    political   prosperity  was   an- 


302  NAPOLEON  III. 

nounced.  Their  thought  travelled  far  beyond 
the  present  which  the  world  forced  itself  to 
receive  with  the  appearance  of  joy,  and  in  the 
mysterious  darkness  of  the  future  it  discerned 
objects  which  filled  it  with  terror. 

These  objects  —  revolution  or  war  —  took  up 
their  place  at  the  end  of  a  long  line  of  follies 
and  chimeras  ;  they  pursued  the  Second  Em- 
pire, and  soared  high  among  its  clouds,  as  yet 
invisible,  flying  like  the  flocks  of  crows  which 
follow  an  army.  When  destiny  struck  the  hour 
of  supreme  struggle,  all  things  were  in  readiness 
to  serve  this  destiny.  They  fell  upon  the  Sec- 
ond Empire,  which,  weak  and  bloodless,  had  not 
the  power  to  throw  them  off.  A  great  noise 
filled  the  air  and  shook  the  ground  like  the  ex- 
piring groans  of  some  great  monster ;  and  those 
who  dared  henceforth  glance  back  at  the  Tui- 
leries  saw  but  a  desolate  solitude,  in  the  sepul- 
chral silence  of  which  a  woman  swathed  in 
black,  the  Empress  Eugenie,  wandered  in  ter- 
ror. Those  who  dared  henceforth  look  out  on 
the  frontiers  of  France  saw  there  but  one  lonely 
shadow,  the  Emperor  Napoleon  III.,  bending 
under  his  load  of  sorrow,  a  shadow  so  small  and 
so  pitiable  that  it  appeared  smaller  and  more 
pitiable  than  the  shadows  of  those  beggars  who 
weep  along  the  wayside. 


THE  DECLARATION  OF  IV A R.  303 


X. 

THE    DECLARATION    OF    WAR. 

Prince  Bismarck  has  given  the  world  some 
information  concerning  the  war  of  1870,  and 
diverse  theories  have  been  formulated  concern- 
ing the  originators  of  this  war,  and  opinions 
formed  as  to  who  were  probably  responsible  for 
it.  It  would  take  long  to  cite  these  theories,  to 
analyse,  approve,  or  condemn  them  ;  but  I  shall, 
nevertheless,  consider  one  which  has  seemed  to 
be  expressed  with  more  exactitude  and  with 
more  violence  than  have  the  others. 

Without  pausing  to  study  details  or  to  con- 
sider those  attendant  circumstances,  which,  in 
truth,  are  of  great  importance,  there  are  many 
who  unhesitatingly  afifirm  that  the  disastrous 
results  of  the  war  of  1870  are  due  to  the  men 
at  that  time  belonging  to  the  liberal  party,  and 
are  almost  ready  to  declare  that  this  war  should 
in  its  very  genesis  be  imputed  to  them. 

No  statement  could  be  more  false  than  this  ; 
and  if  the  reader  will  allow  me  to  volunteer 
information   upon   the  matter,  I  shall    find   no 


304  NAPOLEON  III. 

difficulty  in  setting  forth  the  true  causes  of  the 
war  of  1870, 

There  is  a  question  of  some  importance  to  be 
answered  at  the  outset.  Did  Prussia  seek  in 
1870  to  involve  France  in  war,  and  was  the 
candidacy  of  Prince  Leopold  of  Hohenzollern  to 
the  throne  of  Spain  arranged  for  the  purpose  of 
discontenting  us  and  of  provoking  a  rupture  ? 

We  answer  firmly,  No.  In  the  question  of 
Hohenzollern,  no  more  than  previously  in  that 
of  Luxemburg,  did  Prussia  endeavour,  system- 
atically and  with  fixed  purpose,  to  excite  our 
warlike  spirit  and  our  hostility.  We  continu- 
ally deceived  ourselves  under  the  Second  Em- 
pire, and  especially  during  the  last  years  of  the 
imperial  reign,  concerning  the  sentiments  enter- 
tained by  Europe  toward  us. 

Misled  by  the  external  policy  adopted  by 
Napoleon  III.,  public  opinion  stood  in  constant 
distrust  of  Prussia.  It  is,  however,  to  be  noted 
that  this  country,  interested  by  the  humanita- 
rian dream  of  the  Emperor  and  by  his  theory 
of  national  unity,  was  not  content  with  the 
rather  negative  friendliness  of  him  who  reigned 
in  the  Tuileries,  but,  less  egotistical,  less  hypo- 
critical, or  more  practical,  than  certain  other 
neighbouring  States,  proposed,  and  even  urged, 
an  alliance.     The  bearing  of  M.  de  Goltz,  Prus- 


THE  DECLARATION  OF   IV A R.  305 

sia's  ambassador  to  France,  is  marked  by  such 
sentiments  ;  the  visit  of  Prince  Bismarck  con- 
firms them ;  and  it  is  only  by  the  repeated 
refusal  of  Napoleon  III.  to  involve  his  name 
in  a  policy  of  conquest,  that  the  chancelleries 
and  the  government  of  Prussia  and  the  cabinet 
at  Berlin  abandoned  its  project,  and  consoled 
itself  with  new  hopes.  Prussia,  though  cer- 
tainly wounded  by  the  almost  scornful  attitude 
of  the  cabinet  at  Paris,  did  not,  properly  speak- 
ing, desire  present  war  with  France,  when  in 
1870  an  incident  arose  which  rapidly  assumed 
the  importance  of  a  casus  belli.  It  had  in 
reality  no  idea  that  it  was  so  close  upon  a  con- 
flict with  us,  and  was  as  much  surprised  by  the 
fact  as  were  we. 

Prussia,  indeed,  despite  its  preparations  for  a 
campaign  against  us,  and  despite  its  perception 
of  the  difficulties  in  the  way  of  an  inter- 
national policy  which  was  visionary  and  ven- 
turesome, was  more  honest  in  its  relations  with 
France  than  were  Austria  and  Italy,  upon 
whom  not  only  the  nation  at  large,  but  also  the 
court  of  the  Tuileries,  were  accustomed  to  rely. 
M.  de  Goltz  in  saying  as  he  did  :  "  Europe  is 
old,  too  old ;  it  is  slowly  dying  for  want  of 
blood  to  nourish  it.  Its  book  is  closed,  and 
those  who  shall  open  a  new  one  are  born.     Tell 


306  NAPOLEON  in. 

the  Emperor  this ;  he  will  perhaps  realise  that 
there  is  yet  time  that  we  should  understand 
each  other,  and  that  the  destiny  of  nations  may 
be  accomplished  without  endangering  the  peace 
of  the  world  "  —  M.  de  Goltz,  I  say,  in  speaking 
thus,  had  far  more  thought  of  reconciling  the 
interests  of  his  country  and  of  ours,  than  had 
Austria  and  Italy,  who  provoked  so  much  en- 
thusiasm in  the  persons  of  their  representatives, 
MM,  de  Metternich  and  Nigra,  those  two  sly 
and  cruel  enemies  of  France,  whose  one  inspi- 
ration was  the  thought  of  our  abasement,  though 
this  wish  was  prompted  in  each  by  a  different 
motive. 

When  in  1869  and  1870  the  Liberals  assumed 
a  position  of  importance,  and  when  the  Em- 
peror declared  openly  his  wish  to  reform  his 
internal  policy  and  to  confide  its  direction  to 
M.  Emile  Ollivier,  a  clique  rose  in  the  court 
and  in  the  Chambers  composed  of  men  devoted 
'  to  the  Empire,  but  opposed  to  the  new  order  of 
things,  and  called  "the  party  of  the  Empress," 
because  its  leaders  received  their  inspiration 
directly  from  her. 

At  the  head  of  these  men,  among  whom 
were  deputies,  senators,  chamberlains,  and  sim- 
ple habitues  of  the  palace,  stood  MM.  Rouher 


THE  DECLARATION  OF  IV AR.  307 

and  Chevreau.  All  their  efforts  were  designed 
to  check  the  Emperor  in  the  pursuance  of  his 
liberalism. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  plebiscite  of  1870 
was  undertaken  for  the  purpose,  for  a  long  time 
nursed,  of  bringing  on  a  war  which  as  a  result 
should  give  back  to  the  Emperor  the  authority 
which  at  the  outset  of  his  reign  he  had  pos- 
sessed. 

It  has  also  been  said  that  the  ministry  of  Jan- 
uary Second  invented  the  plebiscite  in  order  to 
adorn  itself,  under  the  shadow  of  the  imperial 
name,  with  a  prestige  that  would  enable  it  to 
launch  out  in  warlike  enterprises  by  which 
its  tottering  power  should  be  made  firm,  and 
its  policy,  as  yet  little  understood  by  the 
masses,  be  strengthened.  These  assertions  are 
not  conformable  to  truth. 

After  the  plebiscite  neither  the  political  world 
nor  the  court,  which  was  submissive  to  the 
tyranny  of  the  Empress,  conceived  the  project 
of  war  with  any  nation.  The  incident  which 
determined  the  campaign  of  1870  was  born 
of  spontaneous  circumstances  of  which  it  was 
a  necessary  consequence.  After  the  plebiscite, 
however,  events  transpired  at  court  and  in  the 
circle  surrounding  the  Empress,  which  are 
worthy  to  be  related. 


308  NAPOLEON  III. 

A  plot  was  formed  for  the  purpose  of  de- 
stroying, in  the  mind  of  Napoleon  III.,  those 
ideas  by  which  he  was  at  present  led,  and  the 
thought  was  for  a  moment  entertained  of  direct- 
ing against  the  men  of  January  Second  a  sort 
of  co?//>  d'etat  which  would  make  the  con- 
tinuance of  their  work  impossible.  The  pleb- 
iscite, which  came  to  consecrate  once  more 
the  name  of  Napoleon,  might  have  served  as 
an  aid  to  this  intrigue,  and  with  the  help  of 
some  resolute  persons  have  smothered  all  pro- 
tests. In  a  word,  a  project  was  formed  by  the 
party  of  the  Empress,  and  in  direct  opposition 
to  the  will  of  the  Emperor,  to  take  possession 
of  the  ministers  of  January  Second,  and  to  im- 
prison them  during  the  time  necessary  for  the 
re-establishment  of  absolute  power. 

When  this  plan  for  a  policy  contrary  to  his 
desires  was  cautiously  suggested  to  Napoleon 
III.,  he,  already  feeble  in  body  and  mind,  re- 
volted ;  and  in  the  earnestness  of  his  liberalism, 
in  the  sincerity  of  his  purpose,  he  foiled  the 
designs  of  his  too  zealous  friends. 

The  party  of  the  Empress,  however,  though 
baffled  in  this  affair,  was  not  at  all  discouraged, 
and  in  its  extreme  hatred  of  the  liberal  coun- 
sellors of  Napoleon  III.  sought  but  an  official  pre- 
text by  which  to  oblige  them  to  retire  from  the 


THE  DECLARATION  OF  IV A R.  309 

government,  and  to  revive  in  the  Tuileries  the 
bright  hours  of  the  authoritative  Empire. 

At  the  time  of  the  Hohenzollern  incident 
this  party  raised  a  cry  of  joy,  and  prepared  to 
avail  itself  of  the  opportunity  which  thus  of- 
fered, happy  to  attain  at  last  the  object  which 
they  had  with  so  much  eagerness  pursued. 

The  Empress,  and  with  her  the  whole  court, 
which  in  its  blind  adoration  approved  of  her 
attitude  in  the  affair  and  was  obedient  to  her 
least  word,  rejoiced  in  the  incident,  clinging  to 
it  like  a  drowning  man  to  a  buoy,  and  had 
henceforth  no  thought  but  to  avail  itself  of  the 
opportunity  which  had  offered  so  unexpectedly, 
and  to  pursue  once  more  their  plans  of  long 
ago,  to  build  up  their  fallen  hopes  and  restore 
an  authoritative  Empire,  in  the  accomplishment 
of  which  the  Emperor  should  himself  help  them. 

The  Empress  immediately  summoned  M. 
Rouher,  who,  together  with  certain  persons 
belonging  to  the  party  in  open  conflict  with 
the  Liberals,  appeared  before  her,  and  it  was 
agreed  that  regular  council  should  meet  to 
offset  the  official  council  of  the  Emperor. 

After  this  time  conventicles  were  held  by 
the  Empress  and  her  faithful  followers  ;  and  it 
was  then  that  the  famous  question  of  "  guaran- 
tees "  was  raised  and  presented  as  a  supreme 


3IO  NAPOLEON  III. 

and  decisive  argument  against  conciliation  with 
Prussia,  and  against  the  possibility  of  an  under- 
standing with  that  country. 

When,  indeed,  M.  Emile  Ollivier,  who  had 
succeeded  in  restoring  peace,  and  who  had 
received  satisfaction  from  Prussia,  whose  king 
approved  the  retirement  of  Prince  Leopold  of 
Hohenzollern  from  the  candidacy  of  the  throne 
of  Spain,  presented  himself  before  the  Cham- 
ber rejoicing  that  he  was  the  bearer  of  such 
good  news,  the  party  of  the  Empress  was  filled 
with  stupefaction,  with  discouragement,  and  with 
fury.  Once  again  power  had  escaped  it,  that 
power  of  which  it  stood  in  imperative  need. 
A  war  would  almost  certainly  ensure  it  the 
possession  of  authority  ;  and  it  was  essential  that 
this  war  should  take  place,  and  that  its  pretext 
should  be  one  of  such  weight  that  no  discus- 
sions could  arise  to  delay  its  accomplishment. 
The  question  of  guarantees  saved  the  situation. 
This  question,  presented  before  the  council  of 
ministers  and  the  Legislative  Corps,  imbued 
the  conflict  which  had  risen  with  the  spirit 
which  it  needed,  and  permitted  Prince  Bis- 
marck to  give  free  rein  to  his  hatred  of  France. 

The  Empress  had,  unfortunately,  in  the  Cab- 
inet itself,  if  not  partisans  of  her  policy,  at  least 
admirers  of  the  extreme  enthusiasm  which  she 


THE  DECLARATION  OF  IV A R.  31I 

showed  at  this  time,  and  which  she  called  by 
the  name  of  patriotism.  Despite  the  efforts  of 
M.  Emile  Ollivier  to  calm  over-excited  minds, 
despite  the  wise  advice  of  the  Due  de  Gramont, 
which  was,  however,  somewhat  moderated  by 
his  obedience  to  the  wishes  of  the  Empress, 
the  nation  deferred  to  the  desires  expressed  by 
her;  and  in  the  face  of  the  accusation  of  cow- 
ardice brought  by  the  authorities  against  the 
Liberals,  who  opposed  all  further  negotiations 
with  the  king  of  Prussia,  Count  Benedetti, 
ambassador  to  Berlin,  received  the  order  to 
present  more  positive  claims. 

The  events  which  followed  are  well  known. 
The  king,  who  was  at  this  time  at  Ems,  was 
accosted  by  M.  Benedetti  during  his  promenade, 
and  as  our  minister  presented  to  him,  for  the 
second  time,  the  question  of  guarantees,  he 
showed  some  impatience,  though  he  did  not 
depart  from  a  perfect  courtesy  and  correctness 
of  bearing.! 

Prince  Bismarck  then  entered  upon  the  scene. 
He  falsified  the  message  of  Prince  Radziwill, 
which  related  the  interviews  of  the  King  and 
M.  Benedetti,  and  thus  war  became  inevitable. 

1  Count  Benedetti  related  this  incident  to  a  dear  and  intimate 
friend  of  his  and  mine,  M.  Eugene  Bazin,  who  lived  at  Versailles, 
and  who  himself  told  me  of  the  circumstance. 


312  NAPOLEON  III 

i>  I  have  spoken  of  the  cabals  arranged  by  the 
Empress  and  M.  Rouher,  whose  purpose  was 
to  check  the  pacific  poHcy  of  the  Emperor  and 
of  his  ministers.  Among  the  important  men  of 
whom  were  composed  these  secret  councils, 
the  Due  de  Persigny  cannot  be  forgotten. 
Though  he  belonged  to  the  absolutist  party, 
and  though  he  held  all  liberalism  in  horror,  we 
must  yet  do  him  the  justice  to  say  that  he  did 
not  wish  war. 

In  1866,  when,  after  the  defeat  at  Sadowa, 
Prussia  found  her  forces  weakened,  he  coun- 
selled the  Emperor  to  oppose  the  unification  of 
Germany,  and  the  strengthening  of  a  power 
which  might  become  in  the  future  a  danger  for 
France.  In  1870,  however,  he  feared  a  war  for 
our  country ;  and,  as  he  was  well  aware  of  the 
hypocrisy  of  those  feelings  of  affection  ex- 
pressed for  us  by  Austria  and  Italy,  it  was  not 
without  alarm  that  he  saw  the  Emperor  enga- 
ging himself  in  a  problematical  conflict,  whose 
results,  judging  from  private  documents  and 
from  official  correspondence,  remained  doubtful 
in  the  extreme. 

Perceiving  that  no  attention  was  paid  to  his 
advice,  he  declined  to  sit  longer  in  the  councils 
of  the  Empress  and  M.  Rouher,  and  he  in- 
formed the  Emperor  of  the  grave  and  perilous 


THE  DECLARATION  OF  IVAR.  313 

events  which  were  taking  place.  The  Emperor, 
however,  much  broken  in  health,  and  placed 
between  a  domestic  scandal  and  the  frenzy  of 
Parliament,  —  a  frenzy  which  had  taken  pos- 
session of  the  whole  country,  and  especially  of 
Paris,  —  had  attached  little  importance  to  the 
revelations  made  by  M.  de  Persigny,  and  con- 
tented himself  by  watching  the  phases  of  the 
drama  which  was  being  played  out  before  him. 
At  the  last  moment,  however,  he  opposed  the 
declaration  of  war ;  and  when,  after  the  incident 
at  Ems,  he  was  obliged  to  admit  that  a  duel 
between  France  and  Prussia  was  unavoidable, 
he  resigned  himself  sadly  to  the  hard  fate  which 
had  visited  him. 

^  We  have  seen  that  the  war  of  1870  was  de- 
sired by  the  Empress  and  by  the  party  which, 
receiving  its  inspiration  from  her,  was  called  by 
her  name.  It  was  desired  with  the  express  and 
clearly  defined  purpose  of  destroying  the  liberal 
Empire,  and  of  expelling  from  the  government 
those  men  who  aided  Napoleon  III.  in  the  task 
which  he  had  undertaken  with  a  sincere  convic- 
tion of  its  justice;  with  the  distinct  purpose, 
too,  of  bringing  back  the  hours  of  joy  and  of 
absolutism,  which  had  now  escaped  them,  but 
whose  existence  had  given  so  much  happiness 
to  a  few  ambitious  spirits  and  to  a  few  courtiers. 


314  NAPOLEON  III. 

The  Emperor,  ill  and  suffering,  was  forced 
into  the  most  atrocious  enterprise  which  can  be 
imagined  ;  and  it  cannot  even  be  said  in  excuse 
that  either  the  Empress  or  the  court  was  igno- 
rant of  his  physical  infirmity,  for  it  had  been 
decided  in  1870  that  the  court  should  remain  at 
Saint-Cloud,  and  that  any  change  of  residence 
should  be  avoided,  lest  it  might  fatigue  the 
sovereign,  and  increase  his  suffering. 

Neither  can  it  be  denied  that  the  Empress 
desired  war  from  the  very  motives  which  I  have 
ascribed  to  her  ;  for  she  herself,  when  at  Flor- 
ence after  the  downfall,  said  to  General  Moceni 
that  this  war  could  and  should  have  saved  the 
Empire  and  the  papacy. 

In  regard  to  that  which  concerns  the  papacy, 
I  have  already  told  how  the  Emperor,  urged  by 
his  consort  not  to  abandon  Rome,  rejected  the 
proposals  of  Victor  Emmanuel,  who  promised 
an  armed  intervention,  on  the  condition  that  he 
should  himself  be  free  to  adopt  whatever  policy 
he  chose  against  Pius  IX. 

Political  interests,  perhaps,  require  us  to  turn 
our  attention  away  from  these  facts  ;  but  history 
has  its  rights,  and  is  above  rivalries,  selfish 
greed,  and  hatred.  It  registers  events  with  an 
unerring  wisdom  and  justice ;  and  humanity 
sins  in  travestying  the  facts  which  belong  to  it. 


THE  DECLARATION  OF  IV A R.  3  I  5 

and  in  appropriating  to  its  own  interests  and 
preferences  what  is  rightfully  the  property  of 
history. 

If  in  1870  the  sentiments  entertained  by 
Prince  Bismarck  toward  us  admitted  of  no 
equivocation,  the  party  of  the  Empress  gave 
by  its  actions  free  play  to  these  sentiments,  and 
rendered  possible  both  their  expression  and 
their  practical  application ;  while  in  persisting 
in  its  determination  to  see  in  the  question  of 
Hohenzollern  a  premeditated  outrage  on  the 
dignity  of  France,  it  furnished  Prussia  with  a 
formidable  pretext  to  enter  into  war  with  us, 
and  produced  very  strained  relations  between 
Paris  and  Berlin  after  the  refusal  of  the  Emperor 
to  meet  the  advances  of  this  body. 

In  regard  to  that  which  concerns  the  despatch 
from  Ems,  Bismarck  has  said  all  that  can  be 
said.  It  has  always  been  known  that  a  certain 
despatch  was  falsified ;  but  the  public,  labouring 
under  an  error,  accused  the  ministry  of  January 
Second  of  this  act,  of  this  crime,  we  may  better 
say.  Truth  has,  however,  exonerated  the  men 
who  were  innocent. 

The  despatch  from  Ems,  nevertheless,  and  the 
avowal  made  by  Prince  Bismarck,  seem  to  me 
to  give   rise  to   some  doubts,  and  to  provoke 


3l6  NAPOLEON  III. 

inquiries  which  I  am  astonished  that  the  press 
has  not  brought  forward. 

Prince  Radziwill  addressed  to  his  leader, 
Count  Bismarck,  by  order  of  the  king  of 
Prussia,  a  telegram  relating  to  the  interviews 
which  our  ambassador.  Count  Benedetti,  had 
held  with  William  I.  ;  and  Bismarck,  consider- 
ing that  this  telegram  was  likely  to  foil  his  own 
designs,  cynically  misrepresented  the  message, 
and,  thus  falsified,  communicated  it  to  the 
European  States. 

How  did  it  happen  that  M.  Benedetti,  con- 
fronted by  this  falsehood,  which  was  to  involve 
two  nations  in  war  and  to  place  his  country  in 
a  position  of  great  danger,  allowed  the  ministers 
to  declare  in  the  Chambers  that  he  had  received 
an  insult  at  Ems,  without  hastening  to  con- 
tradict the  statement  made  by  Bismarck  .-*  Why 
did  not  M.  Benedetti  inform  the  minister,  the 
government,  the  Emperor  himself,  of  these 
events,  and  proclaim  loudly  that  the  assertions 
made  by  the  opposing  diplomatic  party  were 
false,  that  the  king  of  Prussia  had  never  in- 
sulted him,  and  that  he  had  never  had  occasion 
to  offend  the  king  .-' 

Such  a  declaration  as  this  would  have  reached 
many  ears  ;  and  though  it  might,  perhaps,  have 
been  a  slight  violation   of    official   courtesy,  it 


THE  DEC  LA  RATION  OF  IV A  R.  317 

would  still  have  saved  the  lives  of  more  than 
five  hundred  thousand  men.  This  might,  I 
think,  have  atoned  for  a  breach  of  that  etiquette 
which  is  observed  by  the  diplomatic  world. 

On  the  other  side,  if  M.  Benedetti,  contrary 
to  the  statements  of  M.  Emile  Ollivier,  who 
says  that  he  had  never  in  his  hand  the  original 
telegram,  informed  the  government  of  the 
affairs  which  concerned  it,  how  is  it  that  the 
men  who  at  that  time  made  their  voices  heard 
through  France  did  not  announce  to  the  Cham- 
bers, to  the  nation,  and  to  Europe  the  abomi- 
nable expedient  resorted  to  by  Count  Bismarck  .? 
How  does  it  happen,  furthermore,  that,  if  our 
government  was  not  informed  by  our  ambas- 
sador, it  omitted  to  demand  explanation  before 
declaring  war  .■' 

One  is  truly  lost  in  a  multitude  of  conjec- 
tures on  this  score,  and  frightened  by  the 
weight  of  responsibility  which  attaches  to  the 
circumstance,  as  well  as  by  the  absence  of 
conscience  and  of  intelligence  shown  through- 
out. If  Bismarck,  in  the  loquacity  of  his  old 
age  and  in  the  bitterness  of  feeling  which  he 
entertained  toward  his  sovereign,  appears  a  man 
somewhat  less  noble  than  that  genial  leader  of 
nations  on  whom  we  have  been  wont  to  look, 
it    must  also  be  admitted  that  his  adversaries 


3l8  NAPOLEON  III. 

fell  very  short  of  their  duty,  and  in  becoming 
his  prey  showed  themselves  to  be  both  short- 
sighted and  ignorant. 

One  man  alone,  I  believe,  and  this  was  Na- 
poleon III.,  understood  the  true  cause  of  the 
war,  and  realised,  though  he  may  have  been 
ignorant  of  the  falsehoods  involved,  what  its 
results  would  be. 

"  Who  knows,"  wrote  he  to  General  Lepic 
at  the  moment  of  his  own  departure,  "  who 
knows  that  we  shall  ever  meet  again } " 

It  was  he  alone  who  had  power  to  turn  from 
himself  and  from  the  country  those  evils  which 
had  risen.  In  1870,  however,  Napoleon  III. 
was  a  dead  man  whom  his  crew  cast  into  the  sea, 
and  of  whom,  after  the  body  had  disappeared 
beneath  the  waves,  it  no  longer  thought. 

I  have  based  the  statements  made  in  the 
preceding  pages  on  data  furnished  me  by  one 
of  the  persons  whose  relations  with  the  Em- 
peror and  Empress  were  most  intimate  in  1870, 
I  have  also  substantiated  them  by  an  inter- 
view with  one  of  the  former  members  of  the 
Privy  Council  of  Napoleon  III.,  a  man  who  is 
distantly  related  to  me  by  marriage,  M.  Charles 

A ,  who  has  very  recently  died,  and  whom 

I  met  some  years  ago,  not  only  in  the  Chamber 
where    he    sat    in    the    quality  of    deputy,  but 


THE  DECLARATION  OF  IVAR.  319 

also  in  the  drawing-rooms  of  the  Comtesse 
d'  H ,  niece  of  a  general  who  filled  an  im- 
portant 7v/e  in  1 87 1,  at  the  time  of  the  capit- 
ulation of  Paris,  and  also  at  the  home  of  one 
of  my  aunts,  the  Comtesse  D . 

The  information  which  I  have  thus  received 
concerning  the  war  of  1870  seems  to  me  author- 
itative ;  yet,  in  a  question  such  as  that  with 
which  this  chapter  is  concerned,  one  cannot 
refer  to  too  many  documents,  and  I  have  de- 
cided to  make  public  a  letter  which  a  former 

diplomat,  Comte   de   V ,  has  sent  me,  and 

which  reveals  this  affair  in  an  aspect  which, 
though  not  thoroughly  satisfactory,  is  yet 
interesting. 

Comte  de  V seems  to  be  among  those 

who  remain  assured  that  the  war  of  1870  was 
undertaken  purely  in  the  interest  of  the  dy- 
nasty. About  this  time  a  discussion  rose  in 
the  Legislative  Corps  concerning  an  abrogation 
of  the  laws  of  exile  relating  to  the  Princes 
of  Orleans  ;  and  he,  basing  his  conviction  on 
proof,  which  is  certainly  plausible,  unhesitat- 
ingly believes  that  the  Bonapartist  party  and 
the  habitues  of  the  Tuileries,  frightened  by  the 
suggestion  of  the  return  of  these  Princes,  pro- 
voked war  for  the  purpose  of  rendering  this 
return  impossible,  which,  had   it  been   accom- 


320  NAPOLEON  III. 

plished,  would  without  doubt,  in  the  present 
state  of  affairs,  have  given  rise  to  political 
dangers  whose  seriousness  it  would  be  futile 
to  deny. 

The  account   given   by  Comte  de  V is 

curious  in  the  extreme,  and  it  is  for  this  reason 
that  I  repeat  it  here.  His  argument,  however, 
still  allows  me  to  believe  that  the  sudden  power 
attained  by  the  Liberals  who  had  won  a  place 
in  the  councils  of  the  Emperor,  caused  the  Em- 
press and  her  party  more  anxiety  than  did  the 
claims  made  in  behalf  of  the  Princes  of  Orleans. 
I  cannot  but  feel,  too,  that  if  war  was  desired 
for  the  sake  of  restoring,  in  the  strengh  of  new 
and  glorious  victories,  the  authority  and  abso- 
lutism of  years  past,  such  a  war  could  not  have 
been  accomplished  upon  the  plea  of  a  possible 
dynastic  rivalry  in  the  future. 

However  this  may  be,  the  letter  of  Comte  de 

V merits  attention.     I  therefore  commend 

it  to  the  attention  of  historians,  and  to  the  pub- 
lic in  general,  having  already  volunteered  some 
information  designed  to  uphold  my  own  convic- 
tions in  the  matter. 

"  I  have  read,"  writes  Comte  de  V to  me,  "  your 

various  publications  upon  tlie  private  life  of  the  Court  of 
the  Tuileries,  and  upon  the  close  of  the  imperial  reign.  I 
have,  however,  been  surprised  that  you  were  not  led  to 


THE  DECLARATION  OF  IV/IR.  32 1 

reveal  the  hidden  motives,  the  true  motives,  which  forced 
upon  the  Empire  that  fatal  line  of  conduct  whose  last  step 
was  Sedan. 

"  In  order  to  do  so,  it  would,  it  seems  to  me,  have  suf- 
ficed to  read  the  account  of  the  session  of  July  2,  1870, 
during  which  a  demand  for  the  abrogation  of  the  exile  of 
the  Princes  of  Orleans  was  presented,  and  to  consider 
the  excitement  produced  by  this  demand,  and  the  com- 
ments which  it  called  forth. 

"What  would  have  been  the  most  fatal  blow  which 
the  imperial  reginie  could  have  received  ?  A  movement, 
surely,  which  would  have  confronted  this  rtgime  with  a 
dynastic  opposition,  with  a  royal  family,  which  had  left 
France  in  the  possession  of  profound  and  sympathetic 
affection.  Memories  which  are  now  forgotten  clustered 
thickly  round  its  name  during  the  Second  Empire  ;  and  it 
was  easy  at  this  time  to  swell  the  expressions  of  sympa- 
thy, and,  with  the  concourse  of  all  the  discontented  spir- 
its of  France,  to  raise  loud  voices  of  cheer.  This  was, 
indeed,  just  what  was  done  in  the  session  of  July  2, 
1870. 

"  After  the  discourse  delivered  by  M.  de  Montalembert 
in  1852,  not  once  during  twenty  years  of  the  imperial 
rtginie  was  the  name  of  the  Princes  of  Orleans  pro- 
nounced in  the  French  Chamber.  Suddenly  the  aston- 
ished Legislative  Corps  resounded  with  the  name  of 
Orleans,  of  de  Joinville,  d'Aumale,  and  de  Montpensier, 
and  tears  were  seen  to  flow,  under  the  influence  of  sincere 
emotion,  from  the  eyes  of  deputies  who  had  become  Bo- 
napartists  from  necessity,  but  who  had  almost  all  served 
under  the  government  of  July,  either  in  the  army,  the 
navy,  or  the  administration,  and  had  with  few  exceptions 
sustained  it  with  their  votes,  only  rallying  at  last  round 
Napoleon  III,  in  the  absence  of  anything  better  to  do  and 
in  the  fear  of  something  worse. 


322  NAPOLEON  III. 

"  I  was  present  at  the  session  of  July  2,  and  was  seated 
in  the  tribune  of  the  diplomatic  corps,  to  which  I  then 
belonged.  The  hall  was  crowded,  and  excited  scenes 
were  expected. 

"  Arriving  at  the  Palais-Bourbon,  I  met  a  senator, 
Baron  de  H . 

"  '  The  session,'  I  said  to  him,  '  is  likely  to  be  an  agi- 
tated one,  is  it  not?' 

"  '  Bah,'  replied  he  ;  '  the  young  Estancelin  will  set  off 
a  cracker,  M.  Emile  Ollivier  will  put  his  foot  on  it,  and 
there  will  be  some  noise.' 

"  Events  did  not,  however,  carry  out  this  prophecy. 
With  power,  and  with  an  emotion  either  real  or  feigned, 
he  who  has  been  called  the  '  young  Estancelin,'  a  per- 
sonal friend  of  the  Princes  in  time  past,  and  who  doubt- 
less recalled  the  words  of  Lamartine,  '  It  is  not  to  the 
voice  of  reason  that  France  responds,  but  to  that  of  the 
heart,'  pleaded  the  cause  of  the  exiled  princes,  though  he 
evoked  neither  the  claims  of  law  nor  justice.  He  resusci- 
tated, if  I  may  thus  express  myself,  the  young  exiles,  who 
had  been  in  a  measure  forgotten,  and  presented  them  to 
the  Assembly. 

"  The  former  Orleanists  remembered  their  enthusiasm 
in  past  years,  when  the  Prince  de  Joinville,  at  the  head 
of  his  marines,  brought  to  Paris  the  ashes  of  Napoleon ; 
their  applause,  when  the  Due  d'Aumale,  with  his  regi- 
ment, bronzed  by  the  sun  of  Africa,  crossed  the  capital, 
accompanied  by  cheers  from  Vincennes  to  Neuilly ;  and 
the  emotion  after  the  attempt  made  against  his  life. 

"  When  the  old  general  Lebreton,  a  Bonapartist,  and 
at  that  time  questor  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  raised 
his  strong,  peremptory  voice,  and  added  his  ringing  words 
to  those  of  M.  Estancelin,  it  seemed  to  me,  in  truth,  that 
it  was  the  voice  of  the  French  army  whi'ch  spoke.  I 
remember  well  his  last  words. 


THE  DECLARATION  OF  IV AH.  323 

'"  '  I  have  served  the  government  of  the  Emperor,'  he 
said,  '  in  the  days  of  hardship,  but  I  have  also  served  the 
Due  d'Aumale  in  Africa.  I  have  often  had  cause  to 
admire  his  military  talents.  I  should  be  happy  to  restore 
to  my  country  one  of  its  best  and  greatest  citizens.' 

"  '  Those  are  fine  words,'  a  member  cried  to  him  as  he 
closed.     '  The  Duke  is  a  man  of  parts.' 

"  Esquiros,  Jules  Favre,  and  Picard  treated  the  ques- 
tion in  its  legal  aspect.  The  old  Marquis  de  Pir6,  a 
furious  Bonapartist,  joined  his  voice  with  theirs. 

"  K^ratry,  also,  attacked  the  ministers  with  his  habit- 
ual spirit  and  energy. 

"  One  member  of  the  opposition,  too,  M.  Jules  Grdvy, 
without  defending  the  Cabinet,  came  to  the  same  conclu- 
sion, and  met  with  the  scorn  of  his  colleagues  of  the 
left  wing  by  whom  he  was  surrounded  when  he  pro- 
nounced his  famous  words,  '  I  will  be  neither  a  dupe  nor 
yet  an  accomplice.' 

"  The  government,  therefore,  found  itself  suddenly 
confronted  by  a  great  body  of  enemies,  which  had  drawn 
up  on  common  ground,  and  stood  united  by  a  single 
thought,  which  was  both  popular  and  anti-dynastic.  It 
saw  even  its  friends  hesitate  to  take  up  its  cause,  so 
moved  were  they  by  old  reminiscences.  So  true  and  so 
apparent  was  this,  that  at  one  time  the  Swiss  minister, 
who  was  seated  behind  me,  gave  expression  to  his  sur- 
prise. 

"  '  In  this  Bonapartist  Chamber,'  he  exclaimed,  '  there 
seem  to  be  but  Orleanists.' 

"  In  thus  speaking,  this  diplomat  but  expressed  the 
thought  which  was  in  the  minds  of  all. 

"  In  issuing  from  the  Chamber  I  gave  my  arm  to  the 
Duchesse  de  G . 

"  •  Ah,  my  dear  Count,'  she  said  to  me,  '  it  is  not  a 
political,  but  a  dynastic  session  which  we  have  attended 


324    '  NAPOLEON  III. 

to-day.  I  cannot  tell  what  will  be  its  consequences,  but 
I  believe  that  they  will  not  be  unimportant.'' 

"  '  I  share  your  feeling,'  replied  I.  'A  terrible  blow 
has  been  dealt  the  Empire.' 

"  These  events  took  place  on  the  second  of  July,  1870. 

"  On  Sunday,  the  third  of  July,  the  first  cry  of  war  was 
raised  by  M.  Chevandier  de  Valdr6me,  minister  of  the 
Interior.  Emile  de  Girardin  gave  us,  some  months  before 
his  death,  an  account  of  this  incident. 

"Emile  de  Girardin  dined  that  evening  with  M.  Che- 
vandier de  Valdrdme.  After  they  had  risen  from  the 
table,  the  minister  went  toward  him. 

"  '  You  know  the  news? '  said  he.  '  We  shall  certainly 
have  a  prince  from  the  house  of  Hohenzollern  on  the 
throne  of  Spain.' 

"  '  In  what  way,'  asked  the  publicist,  '  is  that  going  to 
affect  us  ? ' 

"'What!'  replied  M.  de  Valdrome,  'do  you  not  see 
that  this  is  a  danger  for  France,  a  threat  against  her? 
We  shall  not  allow  this  candidacy ;  we  shall  be  compelled 
to  make  it  a  casus  belli.'' 

"  '  Such  an  act  would  be  most  foolish.' 

"  '  Not  at  all ;  and  you  must  write  an  article  to-morrow 
to  prove  this  very  necessity.' 

"  '  Never !' 

"  Despite  this  exclamation,  the  desired  article  ap- 
peared. It  is  true,  however,  that  Emile  Girardin  pleaded 
in  his  own  excuse  that  it  was  not  written  by  him. 

"  On  this  same  day  Prim  received  at  Madrid  a  tele- 
gram announcing  the  protest  of  the  French  government, 
and  its  opposition  to  the  candidacy  of  Prince  Hohenzol- 
lern to  the  throne  of  Spain. 

"  One  of  my  friends  was  with  him  when  he  received 
this  message.  After  having  read  it.  Prim  crumpled  the 
sheet  and  threw  it  upon  his  desk. 


THE  DECLARATION  OF  IV A R.  325 

"  '  This,'  he  cried,  '  is  a  little  too  much,  and  it  arises 
from  a  misunderstanding  of  the  circumstances.  Oiir  re- 
lations with  the  Tuileries  were  most  harmojiious .'' 

"■  You  will  understand  clearly  from  the  preceding  facts 
the  hitherto  unknown  causes  of  the  war  of  1870. 

"  It  became  necessary  to  turn  the  mind  of  the  public 
away  from  the  question  of  the  Princes  of  Orleans,  and  to 
parry  the  stroke  which  had  been  dealt  against  the  impe- 
rial dynasty.     War  was  the  result  of  these  efforts. 

"  Was  it  the  clearly  defined  purpose  of  the  Tuileries  to 
urge  matters  thus  far,  and  to  necessitate  hostilities?  This 
I  do  not  believe,  and  the  hesitancy  and  blind  groping  of 
those  first  days  would  seem  to  confirm  my  disbelief. 
When,  hoWever,  one  is  fairly  launched  on  a  dangerous 
course,  it  is  often  difficult  to  turn  aside ;  and  when  the 
dynastic  interests  of  a  government  are  at  stake,  when 
a  court  acts  against  the  decrees  of  a  sovereign,  it  be- 
comes impossible  that  the  head  of  the  government  should 
control  events  and  retrace  his  steps." 

This  is  the  remarkable  letter  written  me  by 
the  Comte  de  V . 

The  statements  made  herein  seem,  I  repeat, 
despite  their  clearness,  to  give  rise  to  some  in- 
quiries. They  are,  nevertheless,  in  accordance 
with  my  own  account,  in  so  far  as  they  firmly 
establish  the  fact  that  the  intrigue  which  origi- 
nated around  the  Emperor  was  designed  for  the 
purpose  of  turning  to  the  advantage  of  the  gov- 
ernment the  threatened  war  between  France 
and  Prussia. 

Despite  the   sentiments   still  entertained  by 


326  NAPOLEON  III. 

the  old  Orleanists  who  had  now  rallied  round 
the  Empire,  the  sons  of  King  Louis  Philippe 
were,  even  in  1870,  little  deserving  of  fear. 
The  Liberals,  who,  under  the  leadership  of  Na- 
poleon III.,  were  beginning  to  assume  power, 
were  objects  much  more  to  be  dreaded  by  the 
party  of  the  Empress  ;  and  I  think  that  I  am 
not  too  bold  when  I  state  that  history  holds 
decisive  proofs  that  the  whole  hostility  of  the 
Empress  and  of  her  partisans  was  directed 
against  the  men  of  January  Second. 

If,  therefore,  the  question  of  the  Princes  of 
Orleans  is  laid  aside,  it  remains  undeniable  — 

and  the  letter  of  the  Comte  de  V confirms 

the  statement  —  that  the  war  of  1 870  was  but 
desired  and  undertaken  with  the  purpose  of  sub- 
stituting the  influence  in  the  government  of 
men  hated  at  the  Tuileries  for  the  authoritative 
rule  of  men  who  were  liked  by  the  Empress  and 
her  partisans  —  of  substituting,  indeed,  for  the 
will  of  Napoleon  III.,  who  was  old  now  and 
feeble,  the  wishes  of  the  Empress,  who  was  still 
in  the  full  glory  of  her  woman's  beauty,  and  at 
the  zenith  of  her  political  power. 

After  the  Hohenzollern  affair  was  made 
public,  the  Empress  Eugenie  not  only  used,  as 
we  have  seen,  all  her  influence,  together  with 
that  of  her  following,  to  hasten  a  conflict  be- 


THE  DECMRATION  OF  WAR.  327 

tween  France  and  Prussia,  but  she  also  became 
very  nervous  and  irascible,  and  gave  evidence 
of  her  ill-humour  to  all  who  approached  her. 

She  seemed  more  than  ever  unbalanced,  and 
controlled  by  thoughts  and  feelings  which  made 
her  wholly  incomprehensible.  At  times  she 
would  lapse  into  meditative  moods,  and  absorb 
her  mind  in  thoughts  which  she  did  not  re- 
veal ;  at  others  she  would  fall  into  the  delirium, 
as  it  were,  of  some  wasting  fever,  whose  se- 
cret she  also  guarded  sacredly.  She  had  her 
crises  of  gaiety,  which  were  suddenly  followed 
by  crises  of  tears,  of  doubts,  of  spontaneous 
effusions  and  caprices,  and  was  possessed  by 
an  imperative  need  to  affirm  her  own  per- 
sonality. 

This  condition  of  mind  became  most  em- 
phatic in  the  conversations  which  she  contin- 
ually held  with  her  partisans,  and  often  resulted 
in  painful  scenes,  in  which  her  most  devoted 
friends  were  made  to  suffer. 

Such  exhibitions  were  usually  childish  in  the 
extreme,  and  were  only  the  expression  of  the 
mercurial  temperament  of  a  pettish  woman. 
There  was  one,  however,  which  assumed  al- 
most the  importance  of  a  political  act,  and  which 
filled  with  terror  those  who  witnessed  it.  It 
took  place  at  Saint-Cloud,  and  in  the  presence 


328  NAPOLEON  III. 

of  some  of  the  most  intimate  friends  of  the 
Empress,  one  of  whom,  indeed,  told  me  the 
story.  It  certainly  confirms  the  assertions 
of  history  as  contained  in  the  documents  to 
which  I  have  referred  in  writing  this  chapter, 
and  it  is  for  this  reason  that  I  feel  myself 
called  on  to  relate  the  incident. 

The  Hohenzollern  question  had,  as  it  is 
known,  become  most  bitter,  and  a  rupture  be- 
tween France  and  Prussia  was  imminent,  when 
the  Liberal  opposition  in  the  Legislative  Corps, 
by  requiring  from  the  ministry  the  communi- 
cation of  the  diplomatic  documents  on  which 
the  nation  relied  to  legitimatise  the  declaration 
of  war,  retarded  the  close  of  the  relations  be- 
tween Paris  and  Berlin. 

This  adjournment  of  hostilities,  as  is  to-day 
clearly  realised,  was  not  at  all  in  accordance 
with  the  plans  of  the  Empress  and  her  party ; 
and  she,  much  excited  and  wrought  upon,  did 
not  in  any  degree  conceal  her  discontent,  which 
was  shared  by  the  courtiers.  There  were, 
nevertheless,  among  her  friends  some  who, 
without  openly  opposing  her  attitude,  saw  with 
apprehension  the  development  of  a  conflict 
which  they  might  certainly  by  prudence,  tact, 
and  calm,  have  succeeded  in  averting. 

One  afternoon   while   these    questions   were 


THE  DECLARATION  OF  IV A R.  329 

being  discussed  in  the  presence  of  the  Empress, 

one  of  her  friends,  the  Comte  de ,  had  the 

courage  to  speak,  not  this  time  as  a  courtier 
whose  one  desire  is  to  please,  but  as  a  brave 
man,  on  whom  danger  has  imposed  frankness. 
The  Empress  attacked  with  great  vehemence 
the  deputies  who  had  shown  themselves  refrac- 
tory to  projects  of  war,  and  then  she  paused,  as 
usual,  to  receive  the  approval  of  those  who  had 

heard  her  speak.     The  Comte  de  ,  after  a 

brief  silence,  ventured  to  make  his  reply. 

"Your  Majesty  speaks  truly,"  said  he.  "If 
Prussia  has  outraged  France,  and  if  M.  Thiers 
and  his  friends  do  not  oppose  the  idea  that 
the  Emperor  avenges  the  country  from  purely 
political  and  party  interests,  their  7vle  is  odious. 
We  should  not,  however,  be  unjust  toward 
those  men  who,  at  this  moment,  seek  to  avert 
any  rupture  between  King  William  and  Em- 
peror Napoleon  III.  If  the  opposition,  without 
lessening  the  prestige  of  France,  could  accom- 
plish a  reconciliation,  an  understanding,  be- 
tween Paris  and  Berlin,  I  believe  that  the 
government  and  the  nation  —  and  I  respect- 
fully submit  my  observation  to  your  Majesty 
—  would  owe  it  strong  gratitude." 

When  the  Count  ceased  speaking,  stupefac- 
tion was  written  on  all  faces,  and  the  Empress, 


330  NAPOLEON  III. 

amazed  and  nonplussed,  remained  an  instant 
without  replying.  It  was  only  a  moment,  how- 
ever, before  she  recovered  consciousness  of  the 
situation. 

"  What,"  she  exclaimed,  turning  brusquely 
toward  the  speaker,  her  tones  full  of  anger, 
"  What,  is  it  you  who  speak  thus  .'*  We  see 
how  you,  too,  pass  to  the  Left.  Ah,  what  will 
become  of  me  if  my  friends  abandon  me  and 
adopt  the  cause  of  the  Liberals  ?  Such  men 
are  but  cowards  who  seek  unforeseen  popularity 
under  the  guise  of  false  patriotism.  In  inter- 
fering with  war  they  seek,  in  this  instance, 
to  foil  the  designs  of  the  Tuileries,  as  they 
would  have  sought  to  hasten  hostilities  had 
the  Tuileries  shown  themselves  pacific.  Do 
you  not  see  that  the  men  of  the  opposition 
are  liars,  and  that  the  hatred  with  which  we 
inspire  them  is  their  sole  inspiration .''  It  is 
me,  beyond  all,  whom  they  hate  ;  it  is  on  me 
rather  than  on  the  Emperor  that  they  wish 
to  be  avenged.  They  know  that,  had  the  Em- 
peror listened  to  me,  they  would  never  have 
set  their  feet  in  the  Legislative  Corps,  and  they 
cannot  pardon  me  the  intervention  which, 
unhappily,  was  futile.  They  detest  me,  but  I 
return  their  feeling  in  like  measure." 

She   paused   for    a    moment    in    her   violent 


THE  DECLARATION  OF  IV A R.  33 1 

harangue ;  but  no  one  replied,  either  to  applaud 
her,  or  to  calm  her  excitement,  and  she  resumed 
her  discourse, 

"  I  can  hardly  think,"  she  continued,  "  that 
any  are  so  foolish  as  to  accept  the  arguments 
which  they  present,  or  to  follow  that  retreat, 
which  they  counsel.  When  the  campaign  is  at 
an  end,  and  when  the  victorious  troops  re-enter 
France,  we  shall  see  if  they  have  still  the  im- 
pertinence to  offer  us  advice,  and  to  put  obsta- 
cles in  the  way  of  our  projects,  I  will  meet 
them  there,  and  we  will  sum  up  our  accounts  if 
they  wish  to  do  so. 

"  All  good  things,"  she  added,  with  increas- 
ing irritation,  "  are  dying  in  this  country ;  yes, 
all  good  things.  The  government,  the  respect 
for  authority,  religion,  patriotism,  are  all  disap- 
pearing, to  give  place  to,  I  know  not  what 
ideas  of  independence  and  of  revolt.  It  is  time, 
truly,  that  we  should  meet  these  conditions." 

Turning  toward  the  persons  who  were  listen- 
ing to  her,  she  supplicated  them,  evidently 
much  moved  and  very  impatient,  like  a  child 
who  asks  for  a  thing  which  is  accorded  it  with 
hesitation. 

"  You  will  help  me,  will  you  not,"  she  con- 
tinued, "to  restore  to  the  Emperor  the  authority 
of  which  he  has  been  robbed  }    You  will  aid  me 


332  NAPOLEON  III. 

in  the  difficult  task  which  has  been  laid  upon 
me  ?  Say  that  you  will  help  me,  say  it,  for  I 
want  your  co-operation." 

Angry  and  exhausted,  she  clenched  her  fists, 
and  began  to  sob  ;  then  crumpling  her  dress 
with  her  fingers  which  she  opened  and  shut 
convulsively,  her  force  passed  away,  leaving  her 
motionless  and  without  strength  in  a  state  like 
that  of  a  faint. 

She  was  humoured   and  cared  for  by  those 

round  her ;    and   the  Comte  de ,   sorry    to 

have  provoked  unconsciously  such  a  scene,  left 
the  room,  shaking  his  head  sadly. 

Great  fear,  as  I  have  already  said,  had  taken 
possession  of  the  court  at  the  news  of  the 
Hohenzollern  affair,  and  this  fear  reached  its 
maximum  when  the  declaration  of  war  was  an- 
nounced to  the  country  and  to  Europe.  The 
Empress,  however,  exerted  an  imperative  will, 
and  was  filled  with  an  enthusiasm  which  could 
but  be  contagious.  Under  the  influence  of  her 
bearing,  the  men  and  the  women  who  held 
their  court  round  the  sovereigns  and  gave  free 
rein  to  their  pleasures  and  frivolities,  were 
reassured  and  inspired  by  new  hopes  for  the 
future  —  a  future  which  should  not  deny  them 


THE  DEC  L/1  RAT  ION  OF   IV A  R.  333 

the  joys  which  for  so    many  years   had  been 
theirs. 

They  did  not  accustom  themselves  at  all  to 
this  unusual  state  of  disturbance,  to  the  noises 
which  rose  from  the  street,  and,  echoing  through 
the  air,  reached  even  the  imperial  dwelling. 
These  were  strange  things,  truly,  which  had 
come  to  pass  ;  they  interrupted  the  even  course 
of  existence  at  the  Tuileries,  and  for  this 
reason  were  to  be  regretted.  The  campaign, 
however,  which  was  about  to  begin  had  been 
represented  to  them  in  so  bright  a  light  that 
the  habitues  of  the  court  had  at  last  calmed 
their  anxiety  and  resumed  their  good  spirits 
and  their  careless  bearing,  which  was  like  that 
of  demigods  whose  creed  is  invulnerable. 

There  was,  it  is  true,  a  murmur  of  terror 
when  the  Emperor  commanded  that  the  band 
of  the  Guard  should  play  the  Marseillaise  under 
the  windows  of  the  palace  at  Saint-Cloud  ;  the 
people  ventured  a  few  remarks  of  scorn  and 
irony  when  they  heard  the  echo  of  the  revolu- 
tionary hymn  ;  but  as  Napoleon  III.  had  ex- 
erted his  authority  on  this  point,  they  deferred 
to  his  wishes,  in  appearance  satisfied, 

A  few  words  spoken  by  the  Emperor  at  this 
time  in  regard  to  the  Marseillaise,  which  was 
played  by  official  sanction,  are  important. 


334  NAPOLEON  III. 

One  of  his  chamberlains  expressed  aston- 
ishment that  he  should  be  willing  to  listen  to 
music  of  Rouget  de  I'lsle,  and  that  he  should 
command  its  public  hearing. 

"  We  should  to-day,"  replied  the  Emperor, 
"neglect  nothing  which  is  French,  nothing 
which  can  quicken  the  pulse  of  our  throbbing 
hearts.  The  Marseillaise,  whether  its  spirit  is 
true  or  false,  will  embue  the  people  with  en- 
thusiasm. It  is  for  this  reason  that  I  tolerate 
its  performance." 

"  If  the  old  royalist  cry,"  he  added,  "  that  of 
*  Montjoie  et  Saint-Denys,'  could  gain  a  victory 
for  France,  I  should  command  my  troops  to 
give  it.  There  are  circumstances  when  it  is 
important  to  understand  the  French." 

The  life  at  court  hardly  changed  after  the 
departure  of  the  Emperor  for  the  army  of  the 
Rhine,  but  continued  much  as  it  had  been 
before  all  these  events  had  transpired.  The 
courtiers  continued  to  enjoy  their  frivolities 
and  to  encourage  their  self-interested  hopes. 
The  enthusiasm  of  the  Empress  knew  no  abate- 
ment ;  and  we  may  safely  afifirm  that  she  was 
truly  happy,  for  she  could  now  practise  her 
authority  without  check  and  establish  it  beyond 
discussion.  She  reigned,  and  she  reigned  truly, 
in  all  her  grace  of  womanhood,  and  with   the 


THE  DECLARATION  OF   IV A R.  335 

respected  authority  of  a  sovereign,  while  the 
frontier  remained  silent  and  deserted.  When, 
however,  the  sinister  echo  of  our  reverses 
reached  her,  when  she  had  a  vision,  like  a 
nightmare,  of  those  masses  of  humanity  which 
were  moving  round  the  fields  of  Alsace  killing 
and  wounding  each  other,  she  gave  a  cry  of 
distress  ;  it  was  not  a  cry  which  rose  from  the 
heart  of  an  Empress  who  sees  her  dream  van- 
ishing, but  that  of  a  miserable  and  wounded 
woman.     She  began  now  to  waver. 

She  understood  that  for  her  everything  was 
lost ;  that  all  those  sweet  flavours  of  life  which 
she  had  tasted  with  such  delicious  enjoyment 
would  in  the  future  be  denied  her.  She  knew 
that  her  hope  was  gone,  that  her  hatreds,  as  her 
affections,  were  at  an  end  ;  she  knew  that  the 
Empire,  in  falling,  must  crush  her.  She  then 
seemed  to  suffer  a  transformation,  and  was 
exalted  by  truly  humanitarian  principles ;  in- 
stead of  allowing  herself  to  be  mastered  by 
sorrow,  she  rose  superb  in  her  affliction,  and 
with  that  intuitive  sense  which  lies  at  the  core 
of  the  feminine  character  and  which  exerts 
itself  in  supreme  moments  of  danger,  she  met- 
amorphosed herself  and  was,  what  she  had 
never  before  known  how  to  be,  the  Empress. 

She  held  councils,  she  inspired  courage,  for- 


336  NAPOLEON  III. 

got  bitterness,  and  sacrificed  sympathies,  that 
France  might  better  recover  itself  and  again 
attain  happiness.  If  it  is  true  that  a  single 
hour  of  nobility  and  of  generosity  effaces  in 
the  life  of  a  human  being  the  hours  conse- 
crated to  frivolities  and  to  selfishness,  history 
will  not  hesitate  to  render  its  homage  to  the 
Empress  Eugenie  in  this  crisis  of  terror  through 
which  she  passed ;  history  will  not  hesitate  to 
salute  her  in  the  midst  of  the  loss  and  affliction 
which  she  supported  with  so  much  dignity,  in 
the  midst  of  those  rapid  and  tragic  days  during 
which,  in  pitiable  loneliness,  away  from  her 
friends  and  separated  even  from  herself,  she 
reigned  —  that  is,  she  suffered  and  wept. 


SEDAN.  337 


XI. 

SEDAN. 

Having  arrived  at  Sedan,  the  Emperor  Napo- 
leon III.  established  his  residence  and  that  of 
his  quarter-general  at  the  sous-prefecture.  On 
the  evening  of  August  thirty-first,  he  was  caused 
some  disquietude  by  news  of  the  battle  at 
Mouzon ;  but,  assured  that  the  troops  were 
gathering  around  Sedan,  and,  in  obedience  to 
the  command,  were  preparing  for  battle,  which 
it  was  believed  must  take  place  in  a  few  hours, 
he  was  somewhat  reassured. 

He  was  unable,  nevertheless,  to  calm  entirely 
the  agitation  which  on  that  evening,  August 
thirty-first,  had  taken  possession  of  him.  He 
paced  his  room  in  feverish  anxiety,  demanded  the 
details  of  the  army's  operations,  and  informed 
himself  concerning  the  material  and  moral  con- 
dition of  the  regiments.  Long  and  doleful  si- 
lences would  succeed  his  words,  and  a  sudden 
immobility  transfix  him  to  his  place,  while  he 
lapsed  into  reveries  from  which  he  only  issued 
to   resume   his   steps  up   and   down   the   apart- 


338  NAPOLEOhl  III. 

ment,  and  to  pronounce  at  intervals  short,  sad 
sentences. 

There  were  round  him  generals,  orderlies, 
and  aides-de-camp.  He  had,  however,  brought 
with  him  no  functionary  of  his  civil  establish- 
ment, and  the  story  which  represents  him  as 
surrounded  by  his  ordinary  chamberlains  is 
false.  Two  of  the  quartermasters  who  were 
included  in  his  military  household  had  accom- 
panied him,  and  received  as  salary  for  the 
campaign  the  sum  of  ten  thousand  francs  each. 

These  persons  were  with  him  on  the  evening 
of  August  thirty-first,  and  but  responded  to  his 
rather  incoherent  remarks  in  monosyllables.  It- 
was  already  late,  and  the  Emperor  and  his  ret 
inue  were  preparing  to  take  a  little  rest,  when 
he  spoke  with  great  effort  and  with  a  prophetic 
realisation  of  affairs. 

"  We  shall  never  recover,"  he  said,  "  from 
this." 

Napoleon  III.  had  been,  since  the  first  defeat 
of  his  army,  possessed  with  the  idea  which  he 
expressed  on  many  occasions,  of  commanding 
the  retreat  of  the  soldiers  and  of  recalling  to 
Paris  those  who  still  remained  to  him,  thus 
separating  the  French  and  Prussian  armies, 
and  making  an  offensive  return  possible  to  his 
generals.     When  Marshal  Mac  Mahon  had  re- 


SED/IN.  339 

formed  his  regiments,  now  materially  decreased 
in  number,  and  added  to  them  new  and  young 
recruits,  the  Emperor  raised  his  voice  in  favour 
of  a  backward  march  on  Paris.  The  minister, 
however,  influenced  by  the  Empress  Eugenie, 
begged  him  not  to  carry  out  this  project. 
M.  Rouher  sought  to  prove  to  him  that  only 
a  movement  eastward  could  save  the  country, 
and  the  poor  sovereign,  dispossessed  of  his 
authority,  did  not  feel  it  right  to  assume  the 
responsibility  of  a  command  which  was  open 
to  so  much  criticism.  He  claimed  but  the 
satisfaction  of  remaining  in  the  midst  of  the 
soldiers  whose  captain  he  had  been,  that  he 
might  rejoice  in  their  triumph  were  they  vic- 
torious, and  suffer  with  them  were  they  van- 
quished. This  privilege  being  accorded  him,  — 
the  expression,  alas !  has  too  much  truth  when 
used  to  describe  the  relation  of  the  Emperor 
to  his  government,  —  he  came  to  Sedan,  where 
he  was  terrified  by  the  vision  of  a  horrible 
drama. 

"  We  shall  never  recover,"  he  said,  "  from 
this." 

He  was  filled  with  regret  that  he  had  been 
unable  to  withdraw  the  army  from  the  frontiers, 
and  this  ejaculation  was  called  forth  by  his 
despair. 


340  NAPOLEON  III. 

As  those  who  surrounded  Napoleon  III, 
made  no  response  to  his  words,  he  let  them 
pass  without  comment  or  explanation,  and  wish- 
ing to  retire  to  his  own  room,  he  saluted  his 
officers  with  the  same  words  which  he  was  wont 
to  use  to  his  friends  in  the  Tuileries, 

"  I  will  bid  you  good-bye,  gentlemen,"  he  said, 
"until  to-morrow." 

When  the  Emperor  found  himself  alone,  he 
paced  his  room  up  and  down,  till  exhausted, 
he  fell  into  a  chair.  Weary  and  discouraged, 
he  then  undressed  himself  and  went  to  bed.  He 
did  not  sleep,  however,  and  those  who  stood 
guard  at  his  door  heard  him  moan,  for  at  this 
time  he  suffered  much  from  his  kidneys  ;  he 
muttered,  too,  indistinct  words  during  the  night, 
and  at  times  threw  himself  from  the  bed. 

At  half-past  three  the  next  morning  he 
abandoned  all  thought  of  repose,  and,  making  a 
rapid  toilet,  summoned  Captain  Fieron  of  the 
Cent-Gardes,  who  did  not  leave  him  again  ,  he 
then  dressed  himself  carefully  and  waxed  his 
moustaches  as  was  his  custom. 

An  engagement  with  the  Bavarians  took 
place  in  the  neighborhood  of  Bazeilles  during 
the  day  of  August  thirty-first.  It  was  here,  in- 
deed, that  the  battle  of  Sedan  commenced. 

The  Emperor  had  scarcely  finished  dressing 


SEDAN.  341 

when,  at  about  four  o'clock,  he  was  startled  by 
the  noise  of  a  fusillade.  He  inquired  its  cause, 
and  was  told  that  Bazeilles  was  again  attacked 
by  the  Bavarians,  confronting  whom  stood  the 
division  of  the  marine  infantry  which  was  com- 
manded by  General  de  Vassoignes,  and  which 
was  to  support  the  Twelfth  Corps  commanded 
by  General  Lebrun. 

The  Emperor  seemed  satisfied  by  the  reply 
which  he  received  ;  and  after  having  commanded 
the  officers  belonging  to  his  private  service  to 
assemble,  he  issued  with  them  from  the  sous- 
prefecture  and  commanded  them  to  mount  their 
horses. 

Those  who  saw  him  at  this  time  noticed 
the  extreme  difficulty  with  which  he  himself 
mounted,  and  the  expression  of  horrible  suf- 
fering which  passed  over  his  face  as  he  ar- 
ranged himself  in  the  saddle.  It  was  only  a 
moment's  weakness  on  his  part,  however,  and, 
reins  in  hand,  he  appeared,  though  greatly 
careworn,  with  all  his  accustomed  grace  and 
dignity. 

A  thick  fog  hung  over  Sedan  and  its  envi- 
rons on  this  morning  of  September  first,  1870, 
and  it  was  through  a  thick  mist  that  the  Em- 
peror and  his  officers  left  the  sotcs-prefecttire  on 
their  way  to  the  field  of  battle. 


342  NAPOLEON  III. 

As  little  by  little  they  approached  Bazeilles, 
the  noise  of  firing  increased,  mingling  with  the 
ominous  detonations  of  the  artillery  and  the 
sounds  of  distant  uproar  which  were  brought 
nearer  by  the  echoes,  and  which  the  undulating 
waves  of  mist  seemed  to  cast  back  and  forth 
upon  each  other. 

The  Emperor  and  his  escort  rode,  silent  and 
with  hearts  downcast,  through  this  unknown 
region.  It  was  not  long,  however,  before  the 
sun  dissipated  the  vapours  and  allowed  them  to 
watch  the  engagement. 

The  battle,  which  had  begun  at  Bazeilles, 
travelled  gradually  northward,  till  it  surrounded 
Sedan,  and  arrived  at  the  Fond  de  Givonne. 

The  German  artillery  turned  its  death-deal- 
ing machines  against  the  French  lines,  which, 
intrepid,  fought  hard  and  thinned  by  tens  the 
ranks  of  the  enemy  which  had  drawn  up  too 
close.  It,  however,  became  necessary,  in  order 
that  the  Twelfth  Corps,  which  was  in  the  thick 
of  battle,  should  come  to  a  decisive  stand,  that 
our  artillery  should  advance  to  its  aid.  Unfor- 
tunately our  pieces,  put  to  the  battery  and 
replying  to  the  fire  of  the  Germans,  proved  a 
disastrous  fact ;  proved,  that  is,  that  their  range 
was  insuflficient,  so  that  the  projectiles  did  not 
reach  the  desired  point. 


SEDAN.  343 

It  was  now  half-past  six,  and  Marshal  Mac 
Mahon,  who  commanded  in  chief  and  who 
had  gone  to  reconnoitre  the  position  of  the 
troops,  was  seriously  wounded  by  a  volley  of 
shells  ;  he  fell  from  his  horse  and  was  carried 
to  Sedan,  where  he  transmitted  his  authority  to 
General  Ducrot. 

As  he  was  half  way  between  Sedan  and 
Bazeilles,  the  Emperor  met  the  lugubrious 
cortege  which  was  bearing  the  Marshal  away 
from  the  field  of  battle.  He  paused,  and  bend- 
ing over  the  wounded  man,  spoke  to  him  a 
few  affectionate  words,  and  then  continued  his 
route. 

Having  at  his  side  General  Pajol,  General 
Courson,  Captain  Guzman,  Captain  D'Heuden- 
court,  Captain  Fieron,  his  aide-de-camp,  Ney  de 
la  Moskowa,  Captain  Trecesson,  and  various 
other  officers  whose  names  escape  me,  he  di- 
rected his  course  toward  the  right  upon  Ba- 
zeilles where  the  infantry  of  the  marine  and  the 
Twelfth  Corps,  commanded  by  General  Lebrun, 
were  engaged  against  the  Bavarians.  He,  how- 
ever, faced  about  with  a  sudden  change  of 
resolution  and  hastened  toward  the  Fond  de 
Givonne,  where  the  battle  was  equally  fierce. 

When  the  Emperor  reached  this  place,  it 
was  swept  by  storms  of  canister-shot,  and,  ac- 


344  NAPOLEON  III. 

cording  to  the  description  of  one  of  the  witnes- 
ses who  took  part  in,  and  escaped  from,  this 
conflict,  the  horses  which  the  sovereign  and  his 
officers  rode,  with  an  instinctive  realisation  of 
the  danger  to  which  they  were  exposed,  trem- 
bled and  swayed  so  that  it  was  necessary  to 
hold  them  with  a  firm  rein. 

As,  however,  he  looked  out  over  Bazeilles,  it 
seemed  to  the  Emperor  that  the  French  had 
the  advantage,  and  he  was  filled  with  rejoicing ; 
but  suddenly  a  movement  of  retreat  puzzled 
and  disquieted  him.  He  immediately  sent  one 
of  his  officers.  General  Guzman,  to  ask  an 
explanation  from  General  Ducrot,  who  made 
known  the  new  disposition  of  the  troops,  and 
his  command  that  they  should  retreat  upon  Illy, 
which  lies  to  the  north  of  Sedan,  in  order  to 
avoid  the  danger,  feared  since  the  preceding 
evening,  of  being  hemmed  in  by  the  enemy. 
Napoleon  III.  received  this  message  silently, 
expressing  neither  approbation  nor  disapproval. 

Suddenly  an  unforeseen  incident  plunged 
the  Emperor  into  his  former  state  of  dejection. 
Toward  ten  o'clock  the  retreat  began  and  was 
duly  accomplished  under  the  command  of  Gen- 
eral Ducrot.  The  troops  paused,  and  then  be- 
gan to  retrace  their  steps,  with  an  apparent 
desire  to  assume    again   the  offensive  attitude 


SEDAN.  345 

which  they  had  abandoned.  This  action  had 
a  cause  foreign  to  all  calculation.  General 
Wimpffen,  furnished  with  a  letter  from  the 
minister  of  war,  came  to  dispossess  General 
Ducrot  of  his  command,  and  now  traced  for 
the  army  a  plan  of  battle  entirely  contrary  to 
that  which  it  had  till  now  followed.  General 
Wimpffen,  confiding  his  desire  to  "  throw  the 
Germans  into  the  Meuse,"  commanded  the 
obedience  of  all.  Without  realising  the  con- 
sequences of  that  disorder  which  a  change  of 
tactics  must  occasion  the  troops,  he  assumed 
supreme  authority  and  forced  the  submission  of 
the  regiments  to  his  will. 

The  Emperor,  who  for  more  than  an  hour 
had  remained  exposed  to  the  fire  of  the  enemy's 
artillery  at  Givonne,  undoubtedly  understood  the 
danger  of  the  position  in  which  the  army  was 
placed  ;  but,  and  this  was  perhaps  unfortunate, 
he  was  ignorant  of  the  discussion,  or  rather  the 
dispute,  which  had  arisen  between  Generals 
Ducrot  and  Wimpffen  concerning  whose  au- 
thority in  the  decisive  moment  should  be  exer- 
cised. It  was  only  at  Sedan  and  after  the 
battle  that  he  learned  of  the  rivalry  between 
these  two  men,  and  could  analyse  its  results. 

Who  knows  but  that,  had  he  understood  the 
irascible  claims  of  General  Wimpffen  and  the 


346  NAPOLEON  III. 

patriotic  sorrow  of  General  Ducrot,  he  might 
have  abandoned  his  role  of  simple  spectator,  and 
used  his  sword  against  this  criminal  rivalry  ? 
Seizing  again  the  authority  which  had  been 
taken  from  him,  he  might,  perhaps,  have 
given  to  this  day  of  Sedan,  which  was  power- 
less to  procure  victory,  at  least  a  less  fearful 
ending. 

The  Emperor  had  seen,  while  he  stood  at 
Givonne  in  the  face  of  the  German  batteries 
hurling  forth  their  volleys  of  shot,  several  men 
of  his  escort  fall  at  his  side  mortally  wounded, 
and  also  a  few  of  his  ofificers. 

Some  moments  before  General  Ducrot  yielded 
the  commandership  to  General  Wimpffen,  Cap- 
tain d'Heudencourt,  to  whom  the  sovereign  dic- 
tated a  message,  was  struck  by  a  shell  and  fell 
to  the  ground  instantly  killed.  Horses,  too, 
had  fallen  round  him,  their  bodies  ripped  open ; 
and,  as  each  man  died,  as  each  poor  horse  ex- 
pired, the  Emperor  turned  his  head  sadly  toward 
them  with  an  expression  of  despairing  grief,  and 
then  resumed  his  attitude  of  spectator. 

Leaving  at  last  the  Fond  de  Givonne,  he 
once  more  directed  his  course  toward  Bazeilles, 
halting  for  a  moment  on  the  plain  of  Moncelle, 
also  covered  with  shells.  During  the  retreat 
commanded  by  General   Ducrot,  the  Germans 


SEDAN.  347 

had  advanced  and  now  occupied  Bazeilles,  which 
our  troops  were  resolved  to  reconquer. 

The  Emperor  remained  for  a  long  time  on 
the  plateau  of  Moncelle,  where  General  Cour- 
son  and  Captain  Trecesson  received  many- 
wounds  at  his  side ;  followed  then  by  his  escort, 
which  inspired  admiration  by  its  calm  intrepid- 
ity, he  descended  to  Bazeilles,  where  he  crossed 
the  line  of  action.  Turning,  finally,  his  back  on 
the  battle,  he  proceeded  to  Sedan. 

It  was  now  half-past  eleven,  and  the  Emperor 
had  been  on  the  field  for  five  long  hours.  Dur- 
ing this  time  he  had  remained  almost  silent,  in- 
specting with  his  field-glass  the  various  points 
of  battle,  and  suffering  horribly  from  the  dis- 
ease of  which  he  subsequently  died  ;  suffering  so 
horribly  that,  as  I  have  stated  in  my  book, 
The  Empress  Eugenic,  and  in  the  chapter 
which  is  entitled  "  After  Sedan,"  he  held  his 
two  hands  on  the  pommel  of  the  saddle  and 
refused  to  dismount,  as  he  was  begged  to  do, 
fearing  that,  did  he  yield,  he  would  not  be  able 
again  to  ride  his  horse. 

When  the  Emperor  re-entered  Sedan,  forcing 
a  difficult  passage  through  the  thousands  of 
soldiers  who,  driven  from  the  field  of  battle, 
sought  refuge  in  the  town,  it  was  one  o'clock 


348  NAPOLEON  III. 

in  the  afternoon,  and  the  day  was  lost  for  the 
French. 

A  blazing  sun  had  succeeded  the  early  morn- 
ing fog,  and  now  cast  its  rays  on  the  last  efforts 
of  the  French  army,  seeming  to  throw  an  ironic 
light  on  our  sorrow. 

After  a  campaign  of  some  weeks,  startling  in 
its  progress  and  in  its  fatal  results,  our  regi- 
ments, disorganised  and  demoralised  by  a  course 
of  murderous  and  futile  engagements,  returned 
to  die  in  Sedan,  the  old  frontier  town,  whose 
fortifications,  unprepared  for  a  defence,  but 
offered  them  false  and  traitorous  protection. 
Drawn  up  before  the  city,  they  sustained  the 
attacks  of  the  Germans,  who,  moment  by  mo- 
ment, hemmed  them  closer  in  by  their  formid- 
able artillery.  The  greater  part  resisted  still, 
but  signs  of  disorder  made  themselves  felt  in 
the  ranks ;  already  entire  battalions,  despairing 
of  victory  and  fearing  the  threatening  massacre, 
abandoned  the  field  and  fled  into  the  town. 

Papers  and  documents  lay  strewn  among 
weapons  and  corpses  on  the  ground,  while  horses 
and  beasts  of  burden,  in  some  cases  fearfully 
mangled,  rushed  wildly  between  the  trees  and 
among  the  debris  of  waggons,  powder-carts,  and 
fallen  breastworks,  mingling  with  the  comba- 
tants, and  following  each  other  in  endless  pro- 


SEDAN.  349 

cession,  like  the  waves  of  some  bloody  sea  in- 
vading the  land. 

The  sun  gilded  the  scene,  lending  its  irradia- 
tion to  the  humid,  acrid,  and  sticky  crimson 
which  flowed  from  yawning  wounds  and  ferti- 
lised the  ground,  bearing  away  the  life  and  soul 
of  the  bodies  which  by  thousands  lay  stretched 
out  in  the  dust.  The  enormous  disk  stood 
high  in  the  heavens,  and  kindled  with  its  fire 
this  red  September  afternoon,  piercing  the 
thick  smoke  of  the  powder  and  irradiating  the 
opaque  atmosphere,  reminding  one  of  the  many- 
coloured  bottles  which  in  the  cities  shine  through 
the  darkness  of  night  upon  the  passers-by  from 
out  the  chemists'  windows. 

The  French  had  made  a  final  effort  to  repulse 
the  revolving  lines  of  the  Germans.  A  charge 
had  been  made  and  the  struggle  was  terrible  ; 
there  had  been  great  butchery  round  Sedan, 
human  butchery,  so  full  always  of  madness,  of 
suffering,  and  of  terror,  the  sinister  forerunner 
of  deep  silences,  long  periods  of  repose,  and  of  a 
final  awakening. 

It  was  with  his  mind  full  of  this  monstrous 
vision  that  the  Emperor  re-entered  Sedan  and 
proceeded  toward  the  soiis-prefcctiire.  As  he 
approached  the  postern,  M.  Ney  de  la  Moskowa, 
who    followed     closely    after    him,    was    again 


3  so  NAPOLEON  III. 

wounded    in    the    arm    by    an    explosion    of 
shells. 

The  town  presented  a  spectacle  never  before 
witnessed,  and  had  become  an  awful  counter- 
part of  the  field  of  battle. 

The  streets  and  public  places  were  full  of 
soldiers,  in  the  midst  of  whom  rose  up  great 
heaps  of  weapons,  over  which,  regardless  of  the 
noise  of  objects  crushed  to  powder,  passed  with 
oaths  and  the  noise  of  thunder,  the  powder- 
carts,  waggons,  and  cannons  of  the  artillery, 
while  broken  teams  without  drivers  rushed  past 
at  a  furious  gallop. 

Projectiles  began  to  fall  in  the  town,  and 
spread  indescribable  confusion  among  this  mass 
of  people  and  things.  The  inhabitants  took 
refuge  in  their  cellars ;  and  the  soldiers,  drunk 
with  powder  and  blood,  treated  the  city  as 
though  it  had  been  taken.  They  entered  the 
houses  and  broke  the  furniture  in  their  search 
for  food  and  wine,  issuing  thence  with  a  stag- 
gering gait,  their  eyes  brightened  with  the 
purpose  of  crime.  Cries  of  "  Treason,  trea- 
son !  "  rang  through  the  streets  and  alleyways. 
People  becam.e  crazy  in  their  desperation,  and 
the  city  was  filled  with  the  abomination  of  as- 
sault and  pillage.  The  Emperor  saw  at  a  glance 
the  horror  of  the  scene,  and  resolved  that  the 
massacre  should  be  checked. 


SEDAN.  3  5  I 

Having  returned  to  the  prefecture,  he,  to- 
gether with  the  officers  who  were  still  left  him, 
retired  to  the  room  which  served  him  as  an 
office.  He  had  scarcely  entered  his  apartments 
before  he  braced  himself  with  one  hand  on  the 
edge  of  a  table,  and  then  sank  exhausted  into 
a  seat. 

"This  is  too  much,"  he  murmured  in  a  voice 
full  of  sorrow,  "  this  is  too  much.  Why  was  I 
not  killed  upon  the  field  .''  " 

He  then  lapsed  into  silence,  and  let  his  fore- 
head sink  on  his  right  hand,  his  chest  heaving, 
his  frame  shaken  by  convulsive  movements. 
Those  who  saw  him  at  this  moment  believed 
that  he  was  crying,  and  were  deeply  moved  as 
they  watched  the  sorrow  of  this  man,  who 
scarcely  knew  what  it  was  to  shed  a  tear. 

The  battle,  however,  continued  round  Sedan  ; 
and  the  rumbling  of  the  artillery,  like  the  noise 
of  thousands  of  carts  rolling  over  pavements, 
indicated  the  nearer  and  systematic  approach  of 
the  German  lines. 

At  each  new  and  louder  crash  the  Emperor 
raised  his  head  and  listened,  his  frame  shaken, 
the  muscles  of  his  face  contracted,  his  fingers 
playing  nervously  on  the  table  with  all  that 
agitation  which  is  usually  peculiar  to  a  dying 
man. 


352  NAPOLEON  III. 

It  was  two  o'clock.  Suddenly  a  fearful  ex- 
plosion shook  the  air.  The  German  artillery 
had  succeeded  in  surrounding  the  town,  and  it 
now  gave  fire  from  all  its  guns  on  the  dSris  of 
the  French  army. 

The  Emperor  rose,  looking  very  pale. 

"O  friends,"  he  said,  "what  an  awful  thing 
this  is  !     Will  it  never  have  an  end  >  " 

He  then  sank  back  into  his  chair,  horribly 
broken,  his  tangled  locks  of  grey  hair  falling 
confusedly  over  his  temples. 

He  had  eaten  nothing  since  he  left  Sedan  on 
his  way  to  the  field  of  battle.  According  to 
the  command  of  an  ofificer  a  plate  of  sand- 
wiches, a  little  cake,  and  some  Madeira  wine 
were  now  brought  him. 

General  Wimpffen,  who  elsewhere  renders 
homage  to  the  courage  shown  by  Napoleon  HI. 
during  this  journey,  has  been  pleased  to  state 
that  the  unfortunate  sovereign  on  his  return 
from  Sedan  took  a  hearty  breakfast,  while 
those  who  remained  on  the  field  of  action,  and 
the  generals  who  commanded  their  troops  in 
the  face  of  the  Germans,  could  only  obtain  a 
few  raw  carrots  to  appease  their  hunger. 

General  Wimpffen  was  not  at  this  moment 
near  the  Emperor,  and  I  have  based  my  state- 
ments  on  those  of  a  man  who  did  not  leave 


SEDAN.  353 

him  during  the  day.  I  affirm  that  Napoleon 
III.  declined  the  dish  which  was  offered  him, 
and,  indeed,  scarcely  noticed  it,  so  absorbed 
was  he  in  gloomy  thoughts,  and  but  poured  out 
for  himself  a  little  water,  which  he  swallowed  in 
feverish  thirst. 

The  continuous  detonation  of  the  artillery 
seemed  to  increase  the  mental  suffering  of  the 
Emperor,  and  a  moment  came  when  he  felt  that 
he  could  no  longer  endure  it.  He  rose  sud- 
denly, looking  as  though  he  had  recovered  his 
old  strength. 

"  This  must  end,"  he  said,  "  it  must !  Of 
what  avail  is  so  much  bloodshed,  so  much 
slaughter  .-* " 

It  was  almost  three  o'clock.  The  Emperor 
summoned  one  of  his  orderly  officers,  and  com- 
manded him  to  go  to  the  citadel,  there  to  hoist 
the  white  flag. 

This  order  having  been  executed,  the  battle 
still  did  not  cease,  and  the  Emperor  was  unable 
to  control  his  impatience. 

"  My  God,"  he  muttered  over  and  over  again, 
"my  God!" 

He  could  no  longer  remain  in  his  chair ;  and 
as  he  asked,  for  perhaps  the  tenth  time,  the 
inexplicable  motive  of  the  continued  firing  after 
the   white    flag   had  been   raised.   General  Le- 


354  NAPOLEON  III. 

brun  entered  his  room.  Eagerly  the  sovereign 
hastened  toward  him. 

"Why  is  it,  my  dear  General,"  he  said,  "that 
the  fighting  continues .-'  More  than  an  hour 
ago  I  commanded  the  white  flag  to  be  raised 
on  the  citadel,  that  this  useless  battle  might  be 
brought  to  an  end.  There  has  been  too  much 
bloodshed,  and  I  wish  for  no  more.  I  want  an 
armistice." 

General  Lebrun  then  offered  the  explanation 
which  Napoleon  III.  had  demanded  of  his  offi- 
cers before  his  arrival.  He  made  known  to 
him  that,  according  to  the  laws  of  war,  the 
white  flag  did  not  require  the  cessation  of  fire  ; 
and  that,  in  order  to  obtain  the  armistice,  it 
was  necessary  that  the  general-in-chief  of  the 
vanquished  army  should  dispatch  to  the  gen- 
eral-in-chief of  the  victorious  army  a  messenger, 
bearing  a  written  demand  for  the  cessation  of 
hostilities. 

"  In  that  case,  my  dear  General,"  said  the 
Emperor,  "  return  to  M.  Wimpffen  and  beg  him 
to  do  that  which  is  requisite  to  the  realisation 
of  my  wish." 

General  Lebrun  obeyed  the  Emperor's  re- 
quest, and  rejoining  the  general,  transmitted 
to  him  the  message  of  the  sovereign.  M. 
Wimpffen,  however,  grew  very  angry,  and  de- 


SEDAN.  355 

dared  that  he  would  in  no  wise  check  the 
battle,  and  wished  no  armistice.  The  firing 
was  not,  therefore,  suspended. 

Awful  hours  were  yet  to  come  and  to  run 
their  course.  It  was  with  great  anxiety  that 
the  Emperor  awaited  the  result  of  the  message 
which  he  had  sent  to  General  Wimpffen. 

Sedan  became  untenable.  The  fire,  far  from 
abating,  increased,  and  the  city  was  filled  with 
shells  which  killed  and  wounded  the  unhappy 
victims  confined  within  it.  Ambulances  be- 
came necessary,  and  sinister  fires  broke  out  in 
several  parts  of  the  town. 

Finally,  toward  eight  o'clock.  General  Wim- 
pffen presented  himself  before  the  Emperor. 
Offering  his  resignation  as  commander-in-chief, 
he  refused  to  arbitrate  for  what  was  no  longer 
armistice,  but  capitulation.  He  was,  however, 
compelled  to  assume  the  terrible  mission  which 
he  had  sought  to  evade,  but  which  the  attitude 
of  his  colleagues  forced  upon  him. 

He  presented  himself  before  the  Prussian 
quarter-general,  and  the  battle  ceased.  All  was, 
however,  lost ;  and  the  Emperor  Napoleon  HI, 
remained  henceforth   without   crown  or  sword. 

Strange  things  were  heard  and  seen  on  that 
evening,  whose  shadows  fell  on  so  many  deso- 


356  NAPOLEON  III. 

late  hearts,  on  so  many  mutilated  bodies.  One 
army,  that  of  the  Germans,  was  seen  lifting  its 
face  toward  heaven,  where  the  stars  shone,  and 
consecrating  to  God  its  victory.  Thousands  of 
soldiers  raised  loud  hymns  of  praise,  while  cap- 
tains and  chaplains  stood  by.  Through  the 
night,  whose  darkness  was  illumined  by  the 
tremulous  light  of  the  bivouacs,  were  seen  to 
pass  troops  of  men  with  torn  hair  and  red 
with  blood,  who,  after  the  barbarous  yells  of 
the  day,  now  shouted  forth  the  liturgy  of  their 
faith  ;  for  these  men  were  good  or  evil  accord- 
ing as  destiny  cast  them,  irresponsible  and  un- 
conscious, toward  good  or  evil. 


THE  CLOSE  OF  A  REIGN.  357 


XII. 

THE    CLOSE    OF    A   REIGN. 

I  HAVE  already  told  how,  on  the  day  of  Sep- 
tember fourth,  the  Empress  Eugenie,  abandoned 
by  all,  fled  from  the  Tuileries,  accompanied  by 
a  few  faithful  friends,  among  whom  were  Met- 
ternich  and  Nigra.  I  have  already  told  the 
story  of  the  sad  hours  which  the  Emperor  Na- 
poleon III.  survived  after  Sedan  ;  and  the  pub- 
lic will  doubtless  recall  the  curious  and  tragic 
incidents  which  characterised  his  trip  across 
Belgium,  when  he  was  on  his  way  to  Germany, 
there  to  give  himself  up  as  prisoner  of  war. 

The  account  of  the  departure  of  the  Empress 
has,  however,  never  as  yet  been  made  public ; 
and  the  world  is  ignorant  of  the  experiences 
which  she  underwent  before  embarking  at 
Trouville,  on  her  way  from  France  to  England. 
I  am  about  to  give  the  reader  an  account  of 
this  journey. 

Much  has  been  said  concerning  the  conduct 
of  the  Empress  on  September  fourth,  and  during 
that  which  is  commonly  called  her  flight,  which 


358  NAPOLEON  III. 

is  wholly  false,  and  but  the  product  of  the  ad- 
miring, or  else  the  unfavourable,  prejudice  with 
which  she  is  regarded  by  false  and  biassed  his- 
torians. The  truth  is  most  simple.  Surrounded, 
I  repeat,  by  a  few  of  her  friends,  among  whom 
were  Mme.  de  la  Poeze  and  Mme.  la  Marechale 
Canrobert,  she  placed  herself,  when  she  saw 
that  the  Tuileries  were  shortly  to  be  invaded, 
under  the  protection  of  Prince  Metternich  and 
Signor  Nigra,  and  left  her  apartments,  hasten- 
ing to  the  gate  of  the  Louvre,  after  traversing 
the  lateral  galleries  of  the  palace. 

Finding  herself  at  last  in  the  street,  opposite 
the  church  of  Saint-Germain  I'Auxerrois,  her- 
self thickly  veiled,  and  having  with  her  only 
Mme.  Lebreton  and  Signor  Nigra,  she  remained 
fixed  to  the  spot  in  a  state  of  great  anxiety, 
leaning  against  the  railing  of  the  gardens  which 
extend  in  front  of  the  colonnade,  waiting  for 
Prince  Metternich,  who  had  gone  to  fetch  his 
coupe,  which  had  been  stationed  on  the  guai  at 
a  point  where  now  the  tram  passes  to  Louvre- 
Passy. 

It  was  while  she  thus  stood  waiting  that  a 
small  urchin  recognised  her. 

"  Ha,  ha,"  he  cried,  pointing  to  her,  "  that  is 
the  Empress  ! " 

As  Prince  Metternich  still  did  not  come,  and 


THE  CLOSE  OF  A  REIGN.  359 

as  the  crowd  increased  and  became  more  noisy, 
she  hailed  one  of  the  cabs  which  was  passing 
quietly  through  the  streets,  and  drove  directly 
to  the  house  of  a  friend.  This  friend  was  away 
from  home ;  and  the  Empress,  for  a  moment 
disconcerted,  gave  the  coachman  the  address  of 
Dr.  Evans,  her  dentist,  who  lived  on  what  is 
now  the  corner  of  the  Avenue  du  Bois  de  Bou- 
logne and  the  Avenue  Malakoff. 

Hardly  had  she  entered  his  house,  where  she 
happily  found  him  at  home,  before  the  Empress 
fainted ;  and  the  doctor,  seeing  that  she  had 
need  of  care  and  sustenance,  for  she  had  eaten 
nothing  for  twenty-four  hours,  gave  her  a  little 
bouillon,  and  persuaded  her  to  remain  in  Paris 
till  the  next  day.  It  was,  therefore,  on  Septem- 
ber fifth  that  she  started  on  her  journey  to  a 
foreign  country,  accompanied  by  Mme.  Le- 
breton  and  her  host. 

They  travelled  in  a  carriage  with  four  seats, 
drawn  by  two  horses,  and  on  the  box  were  two 
valets  in  the  livery  of  the  doctor. 

As  they  crossed  the  Square  of  Courbevoie, 
where  is  to  be  seen  on  a  pedestal  the  profile  of 
Napoleon  III.,  the  Empress  leaned  slightly  from 
the  window.  This  was  an  act  of  imprudence ; 
and  a  passer-by  recognising  her,  as  the  gamin 
had   done    on   the    preceding  evening,    shouted 


360  NAPOLEON  III. 

out  the  news.  The  populace  pursued  the  car- 
riage ;  but  the  coachman  lashed  his  horses,  and 
they  were  able  to  gain  rapidly  on  the  crowd, 
and  soon  reached  open  country,  leaving  Paris 
far  behind,  wrapped  in  its  mist  and  possessed 
by  feverish  unrest. 

This  handsome  equipage,  however,  on  pass- 
ing through  towns  and  villages,  attracted  the 
attention  of  the  inhabitants ;  and,  owing  to  the 
unusual  state  of  excitement  caused  by  recent 
events,  this  notice  was  far  from  reassuring.  It 
was  most  important  that  the  social  rank  of  the 
travellers  should  be  disguised  ;  for,  were  their 
identity  suddenly  revealed,  the  most  serious 
dangers  might  result  to  the  Empress.  This 
flight  might  then  become  like  that  to  Varennes, 
and  its  results  be  as  lamentable.  Dr.  Evans 
understood  the  danger  of  the  situation,  and  re- 
solved that  it  should  be  averted. 

It  was  important  that  they  should  first  dis- 
pose of  the  carriage  in  which  they  were  travel- 
ling, and  continue  their  journey  in  a  vehicle 
which  could  attract  no  attention.  As  Dr. 
Evans  was  explaining  his  ideas  to  the  Empress, 
chance  came  to  their  rescue.  With  the  sound 
of  rusty  springs  and  rattling  windows,  an  old 
coach  passed  the  stylish  turn-out  in  which  they 
were  driving  in  the  direction  of  Evreux. 


THE  CLOSE   OF  A   REIGN.  36 1 

Dr.  Evans  ordered  his  carriage  to  stop,  and 
alighted  hurriedly  to  bargain  with  the  hackney- 
man  for  this  conveyance,  in  which,  as  he  said, 
he  wished  to  take  his  family  as  far  as  Trouville. 
Arrangements  made,  he  helped  the  Empress 
and  Mme.  de  Lebreton  out  of  one  vehicle  and 
into  the  other.  They  then  resumed  their 
journey,  while  the  compromising  carriage  re- 
turned to  Paris. 

An  unforeseen  difficulty,  however,  arose  to 
disquiet  the  Empress.  The  horses  which  they 
had  hired  were  miserable  beasts  and  unfit  for  a 
long  journey,  so  that  on  the  following  morning 
they  came  to  a  standstill  in  a  little  village,  and 
showed  themselves  incapable  of  farther  ser- 
vice ;  it,  therefore,  became  necessary  to  replace 
them. 

The  travellers  drew  rein  at  a  miserable  inn 
which  lay  on  their  route,  and  which  seemed  to 
be  propped  up  against  a  kind  of  barn.  The 
Empress  and  Mme.  de  Lebreton  passed  into  a 
strange  little  room  on  the  first  floor ;  and,  while 
the  doctor  went  out  in  search  of  a  new  relay, 
the  driver,  a  glum  and  silent  peasant,  gave  him- 
self up  to  eating. 

Ill-luck  seemed  to  pursue  the  fugitives.  The 
sky,  so  beautiful  on  the  day  before,  was  now 
dark,  and  the  clouds  thick  and  menacing,     A 


362  NAPOLEON  in. 

storm  broke,  and  torrents  of  rain  fell,  inun- 
dating the  roads. 

The  Empress  in  her  impatience  could  not  re- 
main still.  She  paced  the  inn  up  and  down, 
and  finally  went  out-doors  to  watch  for  the 
return  of  the  doctor.  The  rain  did  not  cease  ; 
and  she  stood  under  the  shelter  of  the  immense 
doorway  of  the  barn,  holding  but  a  tiny  um- 
brella over  her  head  and  concealing  her  face 
uneasily  behind  it. 

Dr.  Evans  at  last  appeared,  having  persuaded 
one  of  the  villagers  to  rent  him  two  horses  ; 
and  thus  equipped,  they  no  longer  lingered 
where  they  were,  but  hastened  on. 

Everything  went  well,  or  nearly  so,  till  they 
reached  Evreux.  Dr.  Evans  was  anxious  to 
avoid  this  village  ;  but  as  to  do  so  would  have 
involved  the  loss  of  much  time,  they  decided 
to  pass  through  it.  This  decision  was  unfortu- 
nate for  the  Empress. 

They  had  traversed  several  streets  without 
disturbance,  when  they  came  out  on  a  square 
where  people  had  assembled  in  evident  excite- 
ment. Mounted  police  were  there  to  keep 
order,  and  bands  of  armed  men  were  drawn  up 
in  line  as  though  for  drill,  while  the  notes  of 
drum  and  clarion  mingled  with  the  sound  of 
marching  soldiers. 


THE   CLOSE  OF  A  REIGN.  363 

The  carriage  in  which  were  the  Empress  and 
her  friends  had  advanced  too  far  for  it  to  turn 
back  or  escape  from  the  curiosity  of  the  people. 
As  soon  as  it  was  noticed,  a  rabble  rushed 
toward  it  ;  and  the  Empress  now  for  a  third 
time  recognised  and  discovered  in  a  flight 
likely  to  prove  successful,  Dr.  Evans  was  obliged 
to  face  the  danger  squarely. 

Resigned  and  ready  for  any  emergency,  he 
dismounted  from  the  coach,  requesting  that  he 
should  be  taken  before  the  authorities,  while 
the  crowd  gathering  round  him  encircled  the 
Empress.  Cries  of  "  Long  live  the  Republic  ! 
Down  with  the  Empire ! "  rose  on  every  side. 
It  was  a  critical  moment,  and  one  act  of  impru- 
dence or  one  unfortunate  word  on  the  part  of  the 
Empress,  or  on  that  of  any  excited  person,  would 
have  sufficed  to  give  a  tragic  turn  to  the  scene. 

The  Empress,  however,  remained  silent,  and 
there  was  not  one  among  the  crowd  who 
thought  of  offering  her  an  insult. 

This  condition  of  affairs  could  not,  however, 
last  long;  and  Dr.  Evans,  in  his  anxiety,  was 
wondering  how  it  would  all  end,  when  he  no- 
ticed a  man  who  he  thought  must  be  an  official. 

He  hastened  toward  him,  and  explained  the 
circumstances  which  had  transpired. 

This   man  proved,  indeed,  to   be   an  official. 


364  NAPOLEON  III. 

and  was,  I  think,  the  mayor  of  Evreux.  He 
showed  himself  to  be,  moreover,  a  gentleman, 
and  expressed  profound  sympathy  for  the  Em- 
press, who  was  thus  miserably  leaving  France. 
He  approached  the  carriage,  and,  bowing  low, 
gave  the  order  that  these  travellers  should  con- 
tinue their  journey  without  molestation. 

The  cries  which  had  risen  on  the  arrival 
of  the  Empress  had  now  ceased,  and  silence 
reigned  in  the  square.  When  the  carriage 
again  began  to  move,  it  was  not  without 
deep  feeling  that  the  occupants  passed  through 
the  motionless  ranks  of  the  people,  who  had 
drawn  up  in  two  lines  and  who  had  become 
voiceless. 

From  this  point  the  Empress  and  her  escort 
continued  their  sad  journey,  comparatively  free 
from  misfortunes.  They  had,  however,  one 
startling  experience. 

One  night,  finding  themselves,  as  well  as  their 
horses,  exhausted  with  fatigue,  they  drew  rein 
in  a  village  through  which  they  passed  a  little 
this  side  of  Trouville,  and  knocked  at  the  door 
of  a  hut  whose  appearance  was  certainly  not 
propitiating. 

After  much  parleying,  carried  on  through 
closed  window-shutters,  an  old  peasant  woman 
opened  the  door,  and  still   distrustful,  despite 


THE  CLOSE   OF  A  REIGN.  36$ 

the  promises  of  munificent  recompense  offered 
her  by  Dr.  Evans,  she  refused  to  grant  them 
admittance  till  she  had  made  a  minute  exami- 
nation. A  lantern  held  in  the  tips  of  her  long, 
thin  fingers,  she  inspected  in  turn  the  face  of 
the  doctor,  that  of  the  Empress,  and  of  Mme. 
Lebreton.  The  driver  himself  did  not  escape 
her  observation,  and  it  was  only  at  his  injunc- 
tion that  she  finally  opened  her  door. 

"  Come,  come,  mother,"  he  said,  "  you  will 
be  paid,  and  these  are  good  people." 

While  upon  the  road  the  Empress,  so  it 
is  said,  found  herself  much  inconvenienced  by 
a  severe  catarrhal  cold ;  and  as  in  her  haste 
at  leaving  the  Tuileries  she  had  failed  to 
bring  a  supply  of  handkerchiefs,  the  doctor 
busied  himself  with  drying  by  the  door  of 
the  carriage,  as  fast  as  she  used  them,  those 
two  or  three  handkerchiefs  which  she  had 
brought. 

The  embarkation  of  the  Empress  at  Trouville 
had  in  it  nothing  of  special  interest.  It  is 
known  that  Dr.  Evans  secured  a  little  pleasure- 
boat,  in  which  he  brought  the  unhappy  woman 
over  a  tempestuous  sea  to  Hastings. 

To  whatever  party  one  may  belong,  whatever 
scepticism  one  may  profess,  it  is  impossible  to 


366  NAPOLEON  III. 

feel  no  emotion  in  the  thought  of  the  fall  of  the 
Empress  Eugenie,  and  of  that  Calvary  through 
which  I  have  traced  her  steps. 

She  passed  away  in  an  hour  of  passion  and 
of  moral  suffering  —  in  one  of  those  hours  which 
in  history  determine  the  evolution  of  nations, 
and  the  ephemeral  grandeur  of  kings. 

She  is  not  alone  in  her  fall ;  she  is  not  alone 
among  the  women  who,  having  reigned,  now 
weep  for  their  power  and  their  pride.  The 
ground  beneath  her  is  strewn  with  smiles  and 
with  crowns  which  have  abandoned  those  who 
once,  all  radiant  with  joy,  believed  themselves 
to  be  invulnerable  and  exempt  from  the  laws  of 
fatality. 

In  the  evening  of  this  century  their  image 
finds  reflection,  and  the  mystery  of  those  mel- 
ancholy nights  when  they  fell  from  the  stars  is 
re-born.  The  sun  sheds  its  last  glory,  its  red 
apotheosis,  on  the  world;  the  sky  has  grown 
dusky,  and  twilight  has  come.  Queens  fall 
through  the  darkness,  but  as  faint  stars  now. 
They  pass  swathed  in  black,  their  heads  still 
shining,  as  though  their  diadems  had  kindled 
an  ineffaceable  glory  on  the  brows  which  may 
no  longer  wear  them,  and  their  hair  sown  with 
sparks  of  fire.  They  pass  like  stars,  yet  more 
like  phantoms,  and  before  this  funereal  proces- 


THE  CLOSE   OF  A  REIGN.  367 

sion  of  souls  and  bodies,  which  the  people  blessed 
and  cursed  in  the  same  breath,  one  watches  and 
wonders  what  poets  shall  arise  to  sing  these 
epics,  these  romances,  thes<^  glories  and  trage- 
dies. 

Queens  fall,  as  of  old  the  virgins  fell  in  the 
circus,  and  the  people,  seeing  them  prostrate  on 
the  ground,  throw  their  stones  ;  yet  this  is  the 
same  people  which  once  kissed  their  skirts  and 
their  feet.  Wandering  and  phantom  queens 
are  these,  who  seem  condemned  to  eternal  pil- 
grimage. The  love  and  the  reverence  of  the 
crowd  are  no  longer  theirs.  Circling  through 
the  whirlwind  by  which  they  are  swept,  they 
sing  the  song  which  is  sung  by  little  girls  as 
they  clasp  hands  and  play  their  games  :  —  "  We 
dance  no  longer  in  the  wood  ;  the  laurels  all  are 
cut." 

The  public  is  familiar  with  the  role  played  by 
Countess  de  Mercy-Argenteau  at  the  time  of 
the  Emperor's  captivity  at  Wilhelmshohe,  when 
the  Empress  had  taken  refuge  in  England,  in 
carrying  out  the  mission  which  Napoleon  III. 
charged  her  to  execute  with  the  king  of  Prussia, 
hoping  that  conditions  of  peace  less  severe  for 
France  might   thus    be    brought   about.     It   is 

also  known  that  it  was  Comtesse  X ,  who, 

stopping  at  the  time  at  the  Hotel  de  Flandre  in 


368  NAPOLEON  III. 

Brussels,  directed  negotiations  for  the  restora- 
tion of  the  Empire. 

Women  had,  during  this  time,  considerable 
influence  in  the  development  of  affairs  ;  and  the 
days  which  followed  the  fall  of  the  imperial 
dynasty  are  remarkable  for  the  spirit  of  intrigue 
with  which  they  imbued  them,  and  by  the  un- 
deniably intelligent  aid  given  by  them  to  the 
statesmen  who  were  concerned  in  solving  the 
problems  of  the  delicate  and  embarrassing  situ- 
ation which  had  resulted  from  the  war. 

One  of  these  women,  Mme.  de  V ,  sister  of 

Mmes.  de  la  Moskowa  and  de  la  Poeze,  women 
belonging  to  the  court  of  Empress  Eugenie, 
found  herself  involved,  like  Mmes.  de  Mercy- 
Argenteau  and  X ,  in  the  affairs  which  fol- 
lowed the  cessation  of  hostilities  ;  and  as  her 
attitude  at  this  time  was  most  noble  and  patri- 
otic, the  public  will  be  glad  to  have  it  recalled 
to  mind.  The  story  is  most  touching,  and 
seems,  indeed,  like  pure  romance,  or  even  like 
a  fairy  tale. 

To  begin,  therefore,  there  was  once  upon  a 
time  at  the  Court  of  Prussia,  a  minister  from 
France,  Marquis  de  la  Rochelambert,  who  had 
three  daughters,  one  of  whom,  exceedingly 
beautiful  and  intelligent,  was  the  godchild  of 
the  Prince  Royal,  afterwards  Emperor  William. 


THE  CLOSE  OF  A   REIGN.  369 

There  was  at  this  court  a  nobleman  of  high 
birth,  a  dashing  cavaher  and  man  of  wit,  who 
fell  in  love  with  the  lovely  child  and  sought  her 
hand  in  marriage.  Family  ties  and  bonds  of 
friendship  united  the  Marquis  de  la  Rochelam- 
bert  to  the  court  of  Prussia  ;  but  having  con- 
sulted his  daughter,  and  assured  himself  that 
she  had  no  attachment  for  this  nobleman,  he 
rejected  his  proposals. 

The  suitor  was  Count  von  Arnim,  who  at 
that  time  was  in  all  the  splendour  of  his  youth, 
at  the  very  height  of  power,  and  occupying  an 
exceptional  position. 

The  Marquis  de  la  Rochelambert  returned  to 
France.  His  daughter  did  not  see  again  the 
unhappy  aspirant ;  and,  as  far  as  appearances 
are  concerned,  they  forgot  each  other.  Did 
they,  indeed,  truly  do  so  —  or  rather,  did  the 
Count  von  Arnim  forget  his  vain  dream .?  If 
we  may  believe  the  word  of  the  slanderer,  he 
remained  always  faithful  to  that  which  he  had 
once  desired ;  and  in  the  very  bosom  of  his 
family  —  for  he  married  and  himself  had  a 
charming  daughter  —  he  still  dreamed  of  the 
former  object  of  his  love. 

Mile,  de  la  Rochelambert  became  a  wife  and 
then  a  mother  ;  and  it  is  probable  that  the  years 
would  never  have  brought  her  and  her  old  lover 


370  NAPOLEON  III. 

together,  had  not  the  dramatic  events  of  1870 
and  1 87 1  arisen,  bringing  misfortune  to  the 
two. 

When  the  National  Assembly  nominated  M. 
Thiers  as  head  of  the  executive  power,  and  in- 
vested him  with  a  mission  to  discuss  the  treaty 
which  was  to  put  an  end  to  the  hostilities  be- 
tween France  and  Prussia,  this  shrewd  states- 
man surrounded  himself  with  a  few  of  his 
ancient  colleagues  who  during  the  Empire  had 
been  members  of  the  Legislative  Corps,  and 
created  of  these  ministers  for  himself,  among 
whom  was  M,  Pouyer-Quertier,  to  whom  he 
gave  the  direction  and  the  reorganisation  of 
the  department  of  finance. 

Before  facing  Count  von  Arnim,  M.  Pouyer- 
Quertier  was  called  on  to  recognise  Prince 
Bismarck.  The  Norman  and  the  Teuton  con- 
fronted each  other ;  the  fox  and  the  dog  ex- 
changed courtesies. 

The  story  by  which  it  is  sought  to  prove  that 
Prince  Bismarck  tried  to  intoxicate  M.  Pouyer- 
Quertier  at  a  dinner  where  they  were  in  tete-d- 
tete,  is  too  well  known  to  call  for  repetition 
here.  I  am,  however,  familiar  with  another  an- 
ecdote which  has  not  been  made  public,  and 
which  the  reader  will  doubtless  be  glad  to 
learn.     Before,  therefore,  continuing  and  bring- 


THE  CLOSE  OF  A  REIGN.  37 1 

ing  to  its  close  the  romance  which  I  have  be- 
gun, I  relate  this  circumstance. 

By  a  singular  coincidence,  and  one  most 
favourable  to  him  in  the  position  which  he  now 
occupied,  M.  Pouyer-Ouertier  found  that  he 
was  bound  by  ancient  ties  to  the  family  of  the 
Rochelamberts,  and  consequently  to  the  daugh- 
ter of  the  ex-minister  of  France  to  Berlin,  who 
since  the  abortive  idyll  to  which  we  have  re- 
ferred, had  become  Comtesse  de  V .     This 

friendship  rendered  easier  day  by  day  his  rela- 
tions with  the  heads  of  the  German  government. 

One  of  his  daughters,  moreover,  had  married 
the  Comte  de  Lambertye,  who  had  large  posses- 
sions in  Alsace,  in  the  outskirts  of  Belfort, 
This  fact  assumed  some  importance  when  it 
became  necessary  to  determine  with  Prince 
Bismarck  the  boundaries  of  the  new  frontiers. 

Bismarck  was  determined  to  take  possession, 
if  not  of  Belfort  itself,  at  least  of  parts  of  the 
territory  which  surround  it.  After  having  op- 
posed his  pretensions,  M.  Pouyer-Quertier,  de- 
spairing to  move  the  Chancellor,  saw  with  cha- 
grin a  moment  come  when  he  was  forced  to 
own  himself  vanquished.  At  the  final  moment, 
however,  he  received  a  sudden  inspiration. 

Dipping  his  pen  in  the  ink  with  which  he 
was   to   sign   his    name  to  the  fatal  treaty,  he 


172  NAPOLEON  III. 

Still  hesitated  a  moment  and  paused  to  reflect. 
He  then  threw  his  pen  vehemently  on  the 
table  and  turned  to  Prince  Bismarck. 

"  Let  him  who  will,"  he  said  resolutely,  "  sign 
this  treaty,  Prince ;  it  shall  not  be  I  who  do 
so." 

Bismarck  made  a  gesture  of  surprise  and 
displeasure. 

"  What  does  this  mean  }  "  he  asked.  "  You 
were  ready  to  ratify  my  conditions." 

*•  It  is  true,"  replied  the  Norman.  "  I  did 
not,  however,  dream  that  in  accepting  these 
conditions  I  should  deliver  over  to  you  not 
only  some  of  my  countrymen,  but  among  these 
persons  who  are  especially  near  and  dear  to  me." 

"  Explain  yourself." 

"  I  shall  find  it  easy  to  do  so.  My  son-in- 
law.  Count  de  Lambertye,  owns  almost  the 
whole  of  those  territories  which  surround  Bel- 
fort  (our  ambassador  sacrificed  truth  somewhat 
for  the  sake  of  his  cause),  and  my  name  shall 
never  stand  at  the  foot  of  a  document  which 
will  rob  him  of  his  nationality,  and  place  me  in 
the  relation  of  a  foreigner  to  him. 

"  Forgive  my  sentiments,"  he  added,  as  he 
rose,  "  which  are  no  longer  those  of  a  French- 
man purely,  but  also  those  of  a  father.  I  will 
report    to    my  government  the  delay   brought 


THE   CLOSE  OF  A  REIGN.  373 

about  in  our  negotiations,  and  will  ask  it  to 
accredit  you  a  man  unhampered  by  personal 
feelings,  and  who  will  thus  be  able  with  greater 
freedom  to  submit  himself  to  your  conditions." 

In  praise  of  M.  Pouyer-Ouertier,  we  may 
state  that  Prince  Bismarck  had  a  great  admira- 
tion and  liking  for  our  plenipotentiary,  and  was 
attracted  by  his  easy  and  unconventional  ways. 

Without  replying  to  the  words  which  were 
addressed  him,  he  rose  and  paced  the  room. 
He  then  suddenly  paused  before  his  interlocu- 
tor, and  looked  him  well  in  the  eye. 

"  You  do  not  wish,  my  dear  minister,"  he 
said,  "  that  your  son-in-law  and  your  grandchil- 
dren should  be  Prussians.  That  is  certainly  a 
natural  feeling.  Where  are  the  lands  of  Count 
de  Lambertye .''  Show  me  their  approximate 
position." 

Seizing  a  map  which  was  used  by  the  staff, 
he  unfolded  it  before  the  minister,  who,  as  he 
has  since  avowed,  could  scarcely  believe  what 
he  saw.  He  did  not,  however,  allow  himself  to 
become  agitated,  and  taking  up  a  red  pencil,  he 
traced  out  boundaries  as  extensive  as  he  dared 
of  territories  partly  real,  partly  imaginary,  which 
he  said  that  his  son-in-law  possessed  round 
Belfort.  He  then  showed  the  map  to  the 
Prince. 


374  NAPOLEON  III. 

Bismarck  examined  it  slowly  and  carefully, 
too  much  so,  indeed,  for  the  equanimity  of  his 
adversary.  Placing  it  on  the  table,  he  then  took 
up  the  document  in  which  were  set  forth  the 
conditions  of  the  treaty,  and  there  inserted  the 
special  clause  which  left  to  France  Belfort  and 
its  territory,  and  remitted  to  M.  Pouyer-Quer- 
tier  the  act  thus  modified. 

"There,"  he  said,  in  tones  half  serious  and 
half  mocking,  "there,  are  you  satisfied.''" 

The  emotion  felt  by  our  ambassador  was  pro- 
found. The  tract  which  he  had  retained  for 
France  against  the  exactions  of  our  enemies, 
was,  it  is  true,  small ;  but  it  seemed  to  him  at 
this  moment  immense,  and  in  itself  a  great  em- 
pire. Objects  acquire  in  the  minds,  and  espe- 
cially in  the  hearts,  of  men  the  proportions  of 
those  sentiments,  be  they  of  joy  or  sorrow, 
which  attach  to  them. 

This  anecdote  has  been  supplied  me  by  M. 
Pouyer-Ouertier  himself.  It  will,  I  am  sure,  be 
of  interest  to  those  who  read  these  pages  on 
the  frontiers  which  were  then  under  discussion, 
and  who  will  learn  from  it  of  the  circumstance 
by  which  they  escaped  being  Germans. 

I  will  now  return  to  my  romance. 

When  Mme.  de  V learned  that  M.   Pou- 

yer-Quertier  was  appointed  to  arrange  for  the 


THE  CLOSE   OF  A  REIGN.  3/5 

payment  of  the  indemnity  of  war  due  to  the 
Germans,  in  concert  with  Count  von  Arnim, 
nominated  as  representative  of  Emperor  Wil- 
liam in  France,  she  sought  an  interview  with 
the  old  friend  of  her  family. 

"Count  von  Arnim,"  she  said,  "is  to  all  ap- 
pearances gentle  and  courteous  in  the  extreme ; 
but  he  is  exceedingly  obstinate  and  austere. 
Whatever  may  be  said  to  the  contrary,  he  is  im- 
bued with  hatred  of  France,  and  will  be  implac- 
able in  the  mission  which  he  has  accepted. 
You  know  that  through  my  former  relations 
with  the  court  of  Prussia,  I  am  somewhat  fa- 
miliar with  men  and  affairs  beyond  the  Rhine. 
I  know  M.  von  Arnim  by  heart.  Do  you  want 
me  to  bring  him  to  an  agreement  with  you  > 
Do  you  want  me  to  serve  you  at  the  same  time 
that  I  serve  the  interests  of  my  country }  If 
so,  give  me  free  use  of  my  own  methods. 
Count  von  Arnim  at  one  time  wished  to  marry 
me  ;  and  though  it  is  many  years  since  we  have 
met,  I  know  that  he  has  not  forgotten  me. 
Shall  I  see  him  ?  I  am  sure  that  such  a  meet- 
ing will  result  in  circumstances  which  will  favour 
and  facilitate  your  task." 

M.  Pouyer-Ouertier  knew  Mme.  de  V so 

well  that  he  felt  assured  she  was  not  speaking 
without  wisdom  and  forethought. 


376  NAPOLEON  HI. 

"Where,"  he  asked,  "could  you,  or  would 
you,  see  Count  von  Arnim  ? " 

"Here." 

"  Here,  at  the  ministry  ?  " 

"Yes." 

"  That  is  impossible," 

"  It  would  become  possible  were  you  to  au- 
thorise the  interview." 

"  In  what  way  do  you  plan  to  conciliate 
him  .? " 

"That  is  my  secret  till  the  new  order  is 
established." 

"  Your  secret .''  " 

"  Yes  ;  but  a  secret  which  everybody  knows, 
and  which  you  will  doubtless  divine.  It  will 
result  in  one  of  two  things  :  either,  as  I  have 
been  told,  M.  von  Arnim  has  not  forgotten  me, 
in  which  case  I  will  use  my  power  over  him  ;  or 
else  he  has  forgotten  me,  and  all  my  diplomacy 
will  fail  before  his  firm  purpose.  In  what  way, 
however,  do  you  risk,  under  either  circumstance, 
the  success  of  your  negotiations  or  the  good 
of  the  country,  by  introducing  me  to  his 
presence  .-• " 

"  Let  it  be  so,"  replied  M.  Pouyer-Quertier, 
himself  coaxed  and  persuaded  by  this  woman, 
who  spoke  with  so  much  authority,  with  so  just 
an  appreciation  of  political  and  personal  affairs  ; 


THE   CLOSE  OF  A  REIGN.  377 

"  do  as  you  think  best.  Count  von  Arnim  is 
expected  here  to-morrow  at  about  two  o'clock. 
Be  at  the  ministry,  as  though  by  chance,  at  the 
same  hour  yourself.  I  will  put  everything  in 
your  hands." 

The  next  day,  a  little  before  the  hour  ap- 
pointed, Mme.  de  V arrived  at  the  minis- 
try ;  and,  after  a  hurried  interview  with  M. 
Pouyer-Quertier,  she  took  her  place  in  the  ves- 
tibule of  the  building  where  is  the  staircase 
leading  to  the  official  cabinet. 

M.  von  Arnim  soon  presented  himself  ;  and 
when  the  Countess  saw  him  alight  from  his 
carriage  and  come  toward  the  vestibule,  she 
placed  herself  erect  on  the  first  step  of  the 
staircase,  as  though,  having  had  an  audience, 
she  was  about  to  pass  out.  She  was,  therefore, 
the  first  person  on  whom  the  eyes  of  this  diplo- 
mat fell. 

Mme.    de    V ,  though    no  longer  young, 

had  retained  the  features  of  her  youth,  and  was 
still  very  beautiful,  and  consequently  easily  rec- 
ognised as  the  woman  whom  he  had  known  in 
the  full  glory  of  her  girlhood. 

At  her  apparition.  Count  von  Arnim  paused 
and  took  a  step  backward. 

"  I  am  lost,"  he  muttered,  as  though  divin- 
ing the  cause  which  had  placed  this  woman  be- 


3/8  NAPOLEON  III. 

fore  him  at  the  decisive  moment.  "  I  am 
lost." 

These  are  the  actual  words  which  he  spoke. 

Agitated  and  filled  with  emotion,  which  he 
took  little  pains  to  conceal,  he  came  toward 
her  and  clasped  both  her  hands  in  his. 

Count  von  Arnim   had  indeed  spoken  truly 

when  he  said  that  he  was  lost.     Mme.  de  V 

took  him  with  her  and  went  up  a  few  steps  ; 
then  seating  herself  on  the  staircase,  and  making 
him  sit  by  her  side,  she  spoke  to  him  rapidly 
and  earnestly  in  German. 

What  did  she  say .-'  We  can  divine  the  bur- 
den of  her  words.  M.  von  Arnim  listened  with 
out  speaking,  his  head  bowed,  his  hand  s^ill  in 
hers. 

"  I  will  obey  you,"  he  said  with  a  great  effort, 
as  she  ceased ;  and  then  he  repeated  the  words, 
"  I  will  obey  you." 

Mme.  de  V rose  and  released  him. 

"  Remember  your  promise,"  she  said,  as  she 
left  him ;  "  the  minister  is  waiting  for  you. 
You  will  become  a  German  again  when  you  are 
with  him,  too  much  of  a  German.  I,  however, 
shall  be  in  a  little  room  opening  from  his  office, 
and  shall  hear  your  conversation.  If  I  find 
that  you  are  playing  me  false,  I  shall  enter  and 
remind  you  of  your  pledge." 


THE   CLOSE   OF  A  REIGN.  379 

She  did,  indeed,  just  as  she  said.  During 
the  interview  which  took  place  between  M. 
Pouyer-Ouertier  and  M.  von  Arnim  concerning 
the  liberation  of  territory  and  the  conditions 
relative  to  the  payment  of  the  war  indemnities, 
she  remained  in  a  little  room  opening  from  the 
ministerial  cabinet ;  and  when  the  discussion  be- 
tween the  two  seemed  to  take  an  unfavourable 
turn,  she  shook  the  door  which  she  had  previ- 
ously opened  part  way,  and  thus  imposed  on  the 
ambassador  the  moderation  which  she  had  ex- 
acted from  him. 

Count  von  Arnim  accorded  us  conditions  less 
severe  than  he  had  been  instructed  to  do  by 
Prince  Bismarck.  A  love-story  written  in  the 
past  procured  for  us  comparatively  easy  condi- 
tions ;  and  the  Chancellor,  greatly  displeased,  re- 
proached him  severely  for  the  concessions  which 
he  granted  us.  Did  he  ever  learn  the  romance 
of  his  ambassador  and  its  unforeseen  epilogue  } 
However  this  may  be,  he  did  not  pardon  his 
delegate  for  having  failed  to  execute  his  orders, 
for  having  placed  his  sentiments  in  positive  op- 
position to  his  rigorous  and  austere  resolutions. 

Mme.  de  V retained  after  this  hour  feel- 
ings of  tender  gratitude  to  the  man  who  had 
not  only  remembered  her  through  all  the  years, 
but  who  also  blended  with  his  personal  affection 


380  NAPOLEON  III. 

a  voluntary  and  unconscious  compassion  for  our 
country.  When  Count  von  Arnim  fell  under 
the  hatred  of  his  former  captain,  she  mourned 
him  compassionately. 

Does  not  history  offer  strange  truths,  and  is 
it  not  worthy  to  be  told  .-• 

This  book  has  conjured  up  many  beings, 
many  events,  whose  existence  was  in  the  past. 
The  Emperor  Napoleon  III.  is  dead,  his  son 
has  joined  him  tragically  in  the  tomb  ;  and  of 
the  brilliant  society  which  scattered  joy  and 
folly  through  the  reign,  there  are  now  but  a 
few  waifs  left. 

Did  the  Emperor,  living  in  exile,  have  sincere 
faith  in  a  restoration  of  his  dynasty  in  France .'' 
He,  indeed,  did  all  that  could  be  done  to  make 
such  a  restoration  possible,  that  his  son,  whom 
he  loved  and  cherished,  might  rehabilitate  him 
before  the  people ;  yet  it  would  be  too  bold  to 
affirm  that  he  felt  any  real  assurance  that  his 
name  would  acquire  the  glory  of  another  tri- 
umph. The  Emperor  remained  during  his  reign 
a  silent  spirit ;  and  when  he  took  up  his  abode 
on  English  soil  he  remained  that  which  he  had 
always  been,  and  none  knew  how  to  read  the 
thoughts  which  were  in  his  heart. 

Before  his  sun  set,  he  saw  many  legends  fade 


THE  CLOSE  OF  A   REIGN.  38 1 

and  pass  away  with  his  own.  He  saw  the  in- 
difference and  the  scepticism  of  the  people  deal 
their  blow  against  kings.  If  we  may  be  al- 
lowed to  ascribe  to  him  a  philosophy  consistent 
with  the  dream  which  filled  his  whole  life,  with 
his  humanitarian  ideal,  we  may  perhaps  venture 
to  state  that  his  own  effacement  and  that  of  his 
race  caused  him  but  little  sorrow  when  viewed 
as  an  expression  of  that  spirit  of  social  equality 
which  should  rule  in  the  generations  to  come. 

The  reign  of  Napoleon  III.  was  full  of  bitter 
disappointment ;  but,  as  I  have  shown  the  pub- 
lic, there  was  in  it  also  much  that  was  great 
and  good. 

Despite  the  origin  of  his  sovereignty,  despite 
the  Second  of  December,  despite,  too,  the  follies 
of  his  court  and  the  bloody  hecatombs  of  1870, 
the  Emperor  Napoleon  III.  was  never  hated  by 
the  people ;  and  in  the  calm  with  which  to-day 
we  look  on  his  memory,  the  feeling  of  affection 
concentrated  to  him  in  the  past  is  reborn  and 
finds  its  way  to  the  mausoleum  where  he  re- 
poses. 

The  ultimate  justice  of  the  world  is  far  more 
than  a  vain  theory.  Mankind  preserves  this  jus- 
tice in  its  love  of  truth  and  in  its  tenderness  of 
heart  ;  and  when  anger  and  bitterness  are  ap- 
peased, those  who  have  been  most  iniquitously 


382  NAPOLEON  III. 

condemned  turn    to  humanity   for   refuge  and 
atonement. 

The  people,  exalted  by  a  moment  of  patriotic 
sorrow,  cast  their  anathema  on  the  Emperor 
Napoleon  III.  As  the  years  have  passed,  how- 
ever, and  as  the  strength  of  the  people  has  been 
restored,  they  have  had  time  to  think ;  and  the 
man  whom  they  cursed  at  a  moment  when  he 
was  represented  to  them  in  the  light  of  a 
monster  indifferent  to  their  sufferings,  calls 
forth  in  his  sorrow  their  affection  and  their 
pity.  He  has  at  last  appeared  to  them  as  he 
truly  was,  kind,  eager  to  aid  whom  he  could, 
saddened  by  the  hard  conditions  of  life  among 
the  masses,  and  filled  with  a  constant  desire  to 
ameliorate  their  lot ;  and,  in  his  benignity  as  a 
sovereign,  they  have  learned  to  see  the  reflection 
of  his  native  generosity  of  heart. 

Hatred  and  anger  are  never  disarmed  before 
the  memory  of  a  man  like  Napoleon  I.,  whose 
awe-inspiring  and  egoistical  genius  was  un- 
moved by  the  consciousness  of  human  suffering. 

Hatred  and  anger,  however,  cannot  hold  their 
place  eternally  before  the  memory  of  a  man  like 
Napoleon  HI.,  always  so  gentle  and  compassion- 
ate to  the  humble ;  and  history  cannot  record 
such  sentiments,  even  where  they  would  seem 
in  a  measure  justified  by  his  failures  and  his 


THE  CLOSE   OF  A  REIGN.  383 

errors,  as  the  changeless  expression  of  a  popular 
verdict. 

There  were  troublous  days  in  the  reign  of 
Napoleon  III.  ;  but  does  not  the  hour  in  which 
this  book  is  offered  to  the  public  imbue  it  with 
a  realness  and  vitality,  both  political  and  phil- 
osophical, for  the  period,  too,  in  which  we  are 
living  is  one  of  terror  and  disturbance  1 

Let  us  admit  that  there  were,  in  the  eighteen 
years  of  the  reign  of  Napoleon  III.,  unwhole- 
some joys,  errors  and  deceit,  shame  and  crime. 
The  Emperor,  however,  was  a  stranger  to  these 
things  ;  the  Emperor  remained  unassailable  be- 
fore them  all,  a  sad  dreamer  and  a  sacrifice  to 
the  follies  of  the  world.  The  inconsistencies 
and  the  faults  of  those  whom  he  favoured,  and 
who  turned  to  their  own  profit  his  infinite  kind- 
ness, should  not  reflect  on  his  name.  His  mem- 
ory rises  above  insult  and  condemnation,  as,  in 
the  present  hour,  the  Republic  rises  above  the 
ruin  of  a  past,  above  the  afflictions  of  those  who, 
born  of  it,  yet  have  given  it  no  hearty  love. 


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